memitchell@usatoday.com
CAREGIVERS
the DON JONES
INDEX…
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GAINS POSTED in GREEN LOSSES POSTED in RED 10/30/25…
15,260.71 10/23/25… 15,256.59 6/27/13... 15,000.00 |
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(THE DOW JONES INDEX: 10/30/25... 47,632.00; 10/23/25...
46,253.41; 6/27/13… 15,000.00) |
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LESSON for OCTOBER 30th, 2025 – “DAYS
of the DEAD!”
Deep, deep we dive for spooky season has arrived... tomorrow is Halloween, which holiday (or Un-Holy day, as some of the more vigorous Christians aver) is officially attributed to the more pagan suburbs of the English speaking Old World, but likely with corresponding beliefs across the rest of the world.
Some of these beliefs appeared in the old New World and, by a process of synchronization (the unholy miscegenation of national and/or ethnic beliefs and superstitions) engendered other days of note – immediately thereafter, November the first and second, being what was and is... in the Spanish-speaking America... days of the Dead.
Day of the
Dead (Dia De Los Muertos) is a two
day holiday that reunites the living and dead – “a rare holiday for
celebrating death and life... unlike any holiday where mourning is exchanged
for celebration.” (See Q&A’s at DAYOFTHEDEAD.holiday: ATTACHMENT ONE)
“Dia de los Angelitos (Day of the little angels) starts the holiday
at midnight on Nov 1st, where the spirits of all deceased children are believed
to be reunited with their families for 24 hours. Families construct an altar,
known as an ofrenda, with the departed child’s
favorite snacks, candies, toys, and photographs to encourage a visit from their
departed children. The names of the departed children will often be written on
a sugar skull.
“At midnight of the following day
(November 2nd), the celebrations shift to honor the lives of the departed
adults. The night is filled with laughter and fun memories, much like the night
before. However, the Ofrendas take on a more
adult-like theme with tequila, pan de muerto, mezcal,
pulque and jars of Atole. Families will also play
games together, reminisce about their loved ones, and dance while the village
band plays in their town.”
At noon, there begins the grand finale and public celebration of Dia de Muertos. “In more recent times, people come together in their cities, dressed up with Calavera painted faces (Skeletons) and have parades in the streets. Cemetery visits are also common on the last day as families will go to decorate the grave sites with Marigold flowers, gifts, and sugar skulls with the departed’s name on them. It’s customary to clean the grave stone and restore the color...” (as opposed to some American military cemeteries where the dead heroes are dug up by hungry feral pigs)
Day of the Dead is not the “Mexican Halloween” like it is sometimes mistaken to be because of the timing of the year. “The two holidays originated with similar afterlife beliefs but are very different in modern day. Halloween began as a Celtic Festival where people would light bonfires and wear costumes to ward off ghosts but has recently turned into a tradition of costume wearing and trick-or-treating. Decorating your house with spiders and bats and wearing scary costumes is not done in most parts of Mexico... many Americans see Death as a sad event but those who celebrate Day of the Dead view the Reaper as benevolent. “That is why you will see brightly colored skeletons and skulls everywhere during the holiday. They often are seen smiling, as a friendly nod to death, even mocking death. This view of death began way back during the one month Aztec festival where they celebrated the dead and paid homage to the lady of death, Mictlancíhuatl, who protected their departed loved ones and helped them in the afterlife.”
Instead of
Halloween (often considered diabolical by the religious right) some varied
believers celebrate All Souls Day (also known as All Saints Day) during the
same time as Day of the Dead. “The act of honoring the dead is widely
celebrated around the world but Day of the Dead is unique in its traditions:
the ofrenda, the meaning of life and death, the use
of calaveras, the style influenced by La Catrina, and more recently, the
festivals in the streets.”
In the
English-speaking Americas (from which Canada, apparently now, has been expelled
for the time being, at least, and from which Caribbean nations like Jamaica...
itself now occupied with Miss Melissa... are seldom accounted for), the
holdover of spooks and goblins to the real world upon the dawn of the
undead-dead on November 1st and beyond may take on cultural and/or
political aspects.
There are those, such as President Trump and his believers, who assert that we are living in a Golden Age as soon... after the demolition and reconstruction of the East Wing of the White House into a Golden Ballroom in which the troubles of the nation can be danced away... will be manifest to all.
Other pessimistic, superstitious souls, fingering the worry beads of a government shutdown as well as other bugaboos... the wars, inflation, tariffs and taxes, poverty, crime, the alien invasion plague in our cities and its ICE-y respons and, to make the point that more of our political and cultural media make again and again and again: a climate of revenge and retribution for grievances as date back from only days or hours to years, centuries... even to a time before there was, even, America.
According to
research sponsored by Rutgers University (October 8, 2025 – ATTACHMENT TWO),
Days of the Dead in the U.S. "emerged as a form of resistance to dominant
power structures and narratives based on histories of colonization, racism,
sexism, and other forms of injustice."
According
to Rutgers research, Day of the Dead in the U.S. "emerged as a form of
resistance to dominant power structures and narratives based on histories of
colonization, racism, sexism, and other forms of injustice."
While most
Americans are likely accustomed to seeing the colorful Day of the Dead
decorations, many are probably unaware of how Dia de
los Muertos evolved into a popular holiday in the U.S., both as a spiritual and
cultural celebration, as well as a lucrative commercial one.
"For
Chicano artists in the 1970s, celebrating an indigenous Mexican ritual in an
Anglo-dominant country was an act of political resistance as well as an act of
cultural pride," said Professor of Journalism and Media Studies Regina Marchi, author of the
award-winning book "Day
of the Dead in the USA: The Migration and Transformation of a Cultural
Phenomenon, published by Rutgers University Press (2009; 2022).
Questioneers from the Rutgers School of Communication and Information (SC&I) spoke with Marchi to learn more about the historic, cultural, and political significance of Day of the Dead in the U.S.
SC&I
asked: “Why has celebrating the Day of the Dead become so popular across the
U.S. over the past 50 years, particularly with non-Latino
populations?”
Marchi
replied that “(D)eep down, many people in the U.S. are drawn to the idea of having an
annual event to collectively honor deceased loved ones... thinking about the inevitability of death actually makes
people appreciate life more.”
“Chicano artists created the first public, secular Day of the Dead celebrations in the US in 1972. Since then, Chicano renditions of Day of the Dead have recirculated to Mexico, affecting how Día de los Muertos is celebrated there.
“For example, Chicano artists in Los Angeles began painting their faces like skeletons during Day of the Dead processions in the mid 1970s, fusing aspects of Halloween with Day of the Dead. This was not previously done in Mexico, but by the late 1990s and 2000s, urban Mexicans were doing this too. Skull face painting is now a major aspect of the celebration in both countries. You never used to see this in indigenous Mexican villages, but with social media, particularly after the 2014-2017 release of popular Hollywood movies like Coco, The Book of Life, and Spectre (which have Day of the Dead themes and characters in “skull face”), you now see skull face painting all over Mexico, including in remote indigenous villages.
“In the case of ethnic celebrations taking place in the US, these are often important not only for building community but also for expressing political messages.
“It’s important to understand these dynamics because while official state-supported holidays such as Thanksgiving or the 4th of July serve to promote national unity or patriotism, grassroots commemorations such as indigenous celebrations, pride parades, or Juneteenth, have emerged as forms of resistance to dominant power structures and historical narratives based on colonization, racism, sexism and other forms of injustice.”
Partisan pivots also arise. At the sunset of Trump 1.0, the President... on Oct. 30, 2020... “released a proclamation for a new national Remembrance Day to take place on Nov. 1, which would focus on Americans killed by “illegal aliens” and concentrating on border security.” (Charger.Bulletin of New Haven, Ct. ATTACHMENT THREE... Reprinted Thursday, October 23, 2025)
The proclamation went into detail over the deportation, particularly to the southern border. The statement was a message to bolster the president’s “Law and Order” rhetoric from his campaign, “increasing the number of national guard personnel (accomplished in Trump 2.0) and his goal of building a wall (still under construction, although ICE has inhibited new border crossings and even spurred “remigration” of alien invaders).
TANGLE, (ATTACHMENT FOUR) noted developments as of a week ago... including the Senate’s failure to pass a shutdown-shutdown bill for the 11th time (13, now) and provided a short history of the dispute this month.
“On October 1, federal funding lapsed, halting some government services and suspending pay to many federal employees. The Senate failed to reach the 60-vote threshold required to pass a stopgap funding bill to keep the government open, with Democrats pushing for a permanent extension of temporary Affordable Care Act subsidies set to expire at the end of the year. Republicans have maintained that health subsidy negotiations should be held only after the government reopens.
‘Services designated as essential — such as air traffic control and federal law enforcement — remain operational during the shutdown,” Tangle alleges, but furloughs, firings and walkouts by some essential workers have left air traffic, in particular, affected. There have been delays and cancellations and even near-miss accidents (although, so far, no major catastrophes, despite angry passengers assaulting cabin crew, pilots and each other). A few potential calamaties have been reversed – notably the National Nuclear Security Administration, which Trump’s neo-DOGEies choose to protect (to the disappointment of maniacs, domestic and foreign terrorists).
Lawyers are swarming as Administration and Administration critics rassle over whether the shutdowns, layoffs and firings are legal... and whether stated statements from the President, OMB and other cabinet curiosities to the effect that the more discretionary punishments will be imposed only on “blue cities”. (See last week’s Lesson)
After publishing remarks upon the legality, morality and political implications from left and right, as is its wont, Tangler-in-Chief Irving Saul concluded that neither party “has a solution for runaway spending” and the gumment won’t open again unless and until the chicken game “starts to drastically impact the public...” which means “nightmarish travel delays, disappearing food stamps, impossibly long waits to resolve healthcare snafus, and reports of degraded military readiness before anyone comes back to the table. And then, unfortunately, we’ll have to wait for Congress to actually agree on something.”
POLITICS
of the DEAD
While the House stayed home, playing golf or pickleball, fundraising and soliciting more bribes from the billionaires, Zombie Donnie and “nearly every Republican senator (Rand Paul excepted) staggered and stumbled to the semi-demolished White House on Tuesday for what was billed as a “Rose Garden Club” lunch to party hearty and eat “cheeseburgers, fries, and Rose Garden chocolates” (no brains and no roses) – a rallyish display of coerced party unity as the government shutdown entered its fourth (now fifth) week with no end in sight. (Time, October 21, ATTACHMENT FIVE)
Saturday’s
massive “No Kings” protests—in which millions demonstrated nationwide against
Trump—came and went without notable violence or notable impact on the Senate.
Senate
Majority Leader John Thune said that Democrats should first agree to fund the
government before policy talks resume. Democrats – vilified as terrorists – followed
the example of Hamas in countered that reopening first would strip them of all
leverage to secure the subsidies.
Hamas eventually TACO’d (HACO’d?) and set the remaining living hostages free only to have the cease fire ripped up and bombings and shootings resume in Gaza, just as its most extreme wing predicted.
Trump now seems delighted and ready for more partisan plunder. “Many of the things that they're cutting, like the New York Project, ($20 billion for subway, bridge and tunnel upgrades) we're cutting it. They're not going to get it back… Maybe we'll talk to them about it. But they're losing all the things that they wanted.”
Tangle (ATTACHMENT SIX) cited David Dayen’s argument in The American Prospect that “...this is a fight about extreme executive power and autocracy, with Democrats demanding that any government funding they pass must actually be spent, not withheld or rescinded. A No Kings Budget, in other words...”
They noted that, even as the leftist media like Newsweek and USA Today agreed that Democrats seem, at least now, weak and confused, Trumptastics like Daniel Huff (no involvement with the HuffPost) advised, in the Wall Street Journal, to “let Congress run an experiment it would ordinarily never attempt: Close the whole thing down and see what breaks. This is what Elon Musk did at Twitter. He fired 80% of the staff, watched what broke, and restored only what proved necessary.”
(So far,
from the investor point of view, he’s been on target – the Dow reaching record
heights day after day after day. Dow’s
angels are Apple and Amazon, both of which are setting records and settling in
ahead of Muskland and just behind Nvidia as our
wealthiest corporations... but still finding a need to cut jobs and “hire” more
robots.)
By Halloween, the stroke of midnight tonight, the government shutdown should be over, according to Matt Hickman of the Arizona Herald Review. (Sunday, ATTACHMENT SEVEN)
Hickman, apparently a ramblin’ gambling’ man, bases this contention on the Texas Hold ‘em parlance, when a player, between their two cards and the five community cards has the best hand possible, they are said to “have the nuts” and their opponents have no nuts. The strategy then becomes to “bleed the pot,” to subtly trick your opponent into thinking they just might have the better hand even though you know it’s impossible.
“In the congressional showdown that’s led to the government shutdown, the Democrats have the nuts and the Republicans are beginning to realize it. This is why the shutdown will be over by Halloween.”
“Why Halloween? Because on Nov. 1 the marketplace for Obamacare opens and 24 million people who get their health insurance through the ACA will log in to discover their premiums have suddenly doubled, due to the expiration of the tax credits in the One Big Beautiful Bill.” Mr. Hickman appears to be a conservative, at least in this regard... some insurers seem ready, able and gleeful to be quadrupling or even, in some cases, sextupling their premiums.
Some of the worst-off Americans are voters in red states like Texas, Alabama, Kansas and Wyoming... states that have declined — on ideological grounds — to expand Medicaid under the ACA, “leaving many lower income and self-employed people reliant on the ACA marketplace, which they can only afford because of the tax credit.”
“Trump is what is known in poker as a “blinds stealer,” a player who repeatedly bets way too high based on the first two cards that are dealt,” is Hickman’s estimate. “A blinds stealer is the most maddening and least fun person at any table, betting two, three, five, twenty times the big blind based on nothing but sheer bullying. Blinds stealers seldom win in the long run, though, because eventually someone gets a really good hand they can’t be bullied out of and the blinds stealer loses all the chips he won pre-flop, and then some.”
As blinds stealers go, Hickman gives the President credit for being a very effective player... “so good at it, in fact, he’s even got a nickname for it: TACO.”
Djonald, UnTold, Hickman believes, “knows if he goes all the way on this hand and cards turn up, he’s going to lose big-time. Trump hates to lose face, but if he can spin the narrative to make himself look like the hero sacrificing for the good of the country, he’ll take it.”
Will they ever actually get to work “fixing” the Affordable Care Act? Of course not, Hickman concludes, but it doesn’t matter. “Trump loses a hand he was going to lose anyway, but he gets to save face as the hero doing what’s best for the country. Oh, and the government reopens and 24 million people won't have to choose between health coverage and rent.”
This, unfortunately for the 24 million... as also for the SNAPsters losing their food, the blue states losing their funding and the Republican politicians caught in the middle between a Great Dealer (who doesn’t give a chicken nugget about them, no matter how they suck up) and a voting public who will be seeking their own version of retribution next year.
Today, the Senate... perhaps in envy of the long, long vacationing House... threw in their cards and went home for a long weekend of spooky fun amidst a masked donor class – many heeding police warnings to accept no unwrapped tricks nor treats and always let their parents open up collected Paydays and Mars Bars, even if they are likely to scarf up a few themselves. “Just testin’ Junior! And put on your scarf!”
For winter “is certainly coming,” USA Today’s Medora Lee predicted and holidary tricks like frozen paychecks, food stamps and gumment gridlock combined with soaring utility bills augur a grim and treatless season coming, too. (ATTACHMENT 8)
Fighting
back, if ineffectually, the
National Energy Assistance Directors Association (NEADA), representing state
directors of the Low-Income Home Energy Assistance Program (LIHEAP), said last
week ithat they were urging electric and gas
utilities nationwide to “immediately suspend service disconnections for
nonpayment until federal LIHEAP funds are released and households regain access
to financial assistance.”
Congressthings like Don Beyer (D-Va),
all among the class of asses, joined the Sierra Club in “pleas for utilities to
keep the power on” for low-income Americans.
Crunching
the NEADA numbers, household energy averages have risen by about 31%, from
approximately $17.5 billion on December 31, 2023 to $23.0 billion by June 30,
2025.
“Shutoffs
rose to 3.5 million in 2024 from 3.0 million the prior year, NEADA said.
Shutoffs are expected to continue rising as more Americans face soaring energy
costs they can't afford, it said. NEADA said 2025 could see potentially 4.0
million shutoffs.”
More
NEADA numbers include a rise of 9.5% in electicity
prices in September, as opposed to an overall rate of 3%; and a forecast that
the average cost of home energy will increase 7.6% this winter, “led by a 10%
jump in electricity costs to $1,205 from $1,093 a year ago. That's on top of
average summer bill prices reaching $776, the highest in at least 12 years.”
Other
energetic investigators have attributed at least some of the increases to the
energy gobbling AI server “farms” that keep the fake news and Internet games
working hard to distract the sheep and sleepers from reality.
"No
family should be forced to choose between heat and food because of a federal
funding delay," Mark Wolfe, NEADA's executive director, said.
"Utilities must act in the public interest and pause shutoffs until
federal aid is available again."
The
utilities and gumment howled with laughter.
USA
Today found that “ten states, plus the District of Columbia, averaged more than
a 15% price jump in electricity costs, with five states registering more than
20% increases, between July 2024 and July this year. Americans in these states
are seeing monthly bill increases of between $25 and $41 per month.” These were...
Illinois:
28.3%
Indiana:
25%
Ohio:
23.4%
Washington,
DC: 23%
New
Jersey: 20.6%
Massachusetts:
18.8%
Iowa:
17.4%
Missouri:
17.2%
Michigan:
15.9%
Virginia:
15.4%, and
Maine:
15%
DEAD CULTURE
While the dark little people... citizens or not... were cancelling their parades and hiding oftertas in basements and garages to avoid detection by the ICEmen, the White House has embarked on a campaign to drag Americans arts, like its own East Wing, to the Trumpian equivalent of cheeseburgers, superhero movies and Y.M.C.A.
“October
is National Arts and Humanities Month, a time normally reserved for celebrating
the creative and intellectual currents that enrich our nation,” according to
Andrew Weinstein of Time (ATTACHMENT 9
But this year, the month began not with a celebration, but with a
shutdown, the latest and most jarring blow in the Trump Administration’s
long-running war against American culture.
In
imitation of Trump 1.0, Weinstein virtue signaled that “I and 15 of my colleagues on the
President’s Committee on the Arts and the Humanities made a not so difficult
choice. In the wake of President Trump’s shocking refusal to unequivocally
condemn the neo-Nazis and white supremacists in Charlottesville, we resigned. We wrote to the president that his support
for hate groups and the false equivalencies he pushed could not stand.
“Supremacy, discrimination, and vitriol are not American values,” our letter
stated. “Your values are not American values.”
Their principles falling upon deaf ears and mocking tongues throughout the dreary recess of Sleepy Joe and – with Trump 2.0 – an upsurging “systematic, full-frontal assault on our nation’s cultural and intellectual life,” according to Weinstein... who singles out in the Heritage Foundation’s “Project 2025” as the template designed to replace our diverse culture with a single, government-approved ideology.
Not to mention Kid Rock.
Trump has
Gaza-fied American culture by starving the National Endowment for the Arts (NEA – as also the
other NEA, the schoolteachers’ one), the National Endowment for the Humanities
(NEH), and the Institute of Museum and Library Services (IMLS). Adding ribs to this “very backbone of our
nation’s cultural infrastructure” hundreds, if not thousands of local community
theaters, museums, school plays and stations of the Corporation for Public Broadcasting (a lifeline for
independent journalism and educational programming, especially in rural
America), facing sudden funding gaps or total defenstraton
– even “for work already underway” Weinstein opines.
Then, pivoting to a “second, more insidious wave (of) institutional capture,” the president has installed Himself as chair of the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts, fired 22 of the 26 members of the National Council on the Humanities, the expert body that advises the NEH, “leaving it without the quorum required to conduct business and clearing the path for politically motivated grant-making” and has launched a comprehensive review of the Smithsonian Institution with the stated goal being to purge our national museums of “divisive” or “ideologically driven language”—code for any historical analysis that critically examines issues of race or injustice.
The
president himself has complained that our museums focus too much on “how
bad slavery was.” Far from restoring sanity, the Timelies
contend, “...these actions constitute a state-mandated campaign of historical
revisionism” that prompted the American Alliance of Museums to issue a
statement on the “growing threats of censorship.”
The
campaign to defund the arts, capture our museums, and rewrite our history is “a
prelude to silencing dissent itself,” contends Weinstein... spicing up his
accusation with inevitable references to the authoritarian playbook, page for page - evoking echoes
of Nazi Germany’s “Degenerate Art” exhibitions, the Soviet Union’s
doctrine of “Socialist Realism,” and even adding the ghosted host of
the latest failed Russo-Ukrainian summit, the sad little wannabee Viktor Orbán of Hungary.
“Authoritarians always target art first. They do so, because art and history are enemies of the myths a regime needs to survive. They foster critical thought and reveal uncomfortable truths that undermine nationalist propaganda. By silencing artists and historians, a regime seeks to control not just the present, but the past and the future as well, “ Weinstein concludes – declaring the MAGAnization of culture “a battle for the American soul, and for the sake of the freedoms we are guaranteed, it is a battle we must not lose.”
I have
already pronounced my personal, political and professional opinion that hyper-aquisitive Oracle/Taleo
mastermind Larry Ellison is the most evil human being in America and now,
through his son, David’s capture of Paramount-Skydance
(evoking the President’s delegation of his more corrupt business practices to
family members), Paramount Skydance employees “are
facing a broad across-the-board culling under David Ellison’s new management
regime come Halloween. (Variety, October
18th, ATTACHMENT TEN)
Like other
traditional media companies, Paramount — parent of CBS, Paramount Pictures,
Paramount+ and Pluto TV, MTV, Comedy Central, Nickelodeon and BET — has
seen longer-term downturns in traditional and distribution revenue as pay-TV subscribers shift toward streaming.
Even as
Paramount Skydance is gearing up to slash jobs, and
has inked new deals investing more heavily in right-wing and extreme right-wing
content (including UFC rights, a deal
with Activision to make a movie based on “Call
of Duty” and the acquisition of Bari Weiss’ The Free Press for
a reported $150 million – which may or may not be interpreted as a sort of
“loyalty bond”), he’s trolling for Warner Bros.
Listing a few “C-level hires” of late (including employee steals from Meta, Roku) and using some text reported previously by Deadline, Variety’s PEANUT GALLERY include both defenders and dissenters of the layoffs. “Greedy people who care nothing about others,” one trolled, while a more hostile hater referenced “Luigi’s Mansion” (sic) as “a fun game”.
“This is how business works. Nobody has a job for life. What don’t you people get about capitalism(?)” declamed a Larrylicker... “Whether it’s a private company or the government job security is nonexistent. You want a “permanent” job? Go live in a communist country.”
Stacey
Abrams, who ran for Governor of Georgia and lost big, has found a forum on the
Guardian U.K. where she and Esosa Osa
wrote an opinionator contending that “U.S. leaders are erasing Black
history.” (October 22nd,
ATTACHMENT ELEVEN)
“Since the start of this year, Onyx Impact’s research has found, 306,000 Black women have lost their jobs and $3.4bn in grant programs investing in Black communities has been slashed – including $9.4m in sickle cell disease research, $42m in programs designed to address Black maternal mortality and $31m in cuts to address asthma rates and air pollution harming Black children.
Contributory takeaways included the good old days when Jim Crow was scared off and life got better for Native Americans, gays and women all because of DEI. Today, minorities are afflicted by scholarships and education programs being cut; support for Black-owned businesses and vital health initiatives have been slashed; Black stories have been removed from curricula, exhibits and public memory and, guest contributor Al Sharpton checks in touting the “10 Steps campaign”, a nationwide mobilization effort to protect democracy advising that, we “absolutely face coordinated attacks on truth, which are intended to sow despair or lead to inaction – but we cannot allow that.”
And so,
along came WokeWaves back when spring was in the air
(March 4th, ATTACHMENT TWELVE) whose Olivia Bennett added Gen. Z
youth (especially the techsters) to the roster of the
oppressed in “rejecting traditional
values” while claiming that “...(r)ather than the
"death" of culture, this shift signals the creation of new traditions
that fit the modern world.”
“Every
generation looks back on its past with nostalgia,” Ms. Bennett contends. The
“good old days” always seem simpler, sweeter, and more connected. “But for Gen
Z, nostalgia doesn’t hit the same
way. Instead of looking back, we’re looking forward—and
we’re not afraid to leave old traditions behind.
“From holidays
feeling less magical to cultural norms fading, something has shifted. The traditions that
once defined family, community, and identity no longer feel relevant. And
honestly? Most of us aren’t that
mad about it.
But is this the death of culture, or are we just making space for something new? An American dictator? The robots? A new flavor of soda...
Holidays,
rituals, and community moments have lost their collective magic,” Ms. Bennett concludes,
and then states: “Here’s why...
“Commercialization: Holidays feel less about
meaning and more about buying stuff.
“Online Overload: Seeing
people post their celebrations makes our own feel less unique.
“Less Community Engagement: Fewer
neighbors, fewer gatherings, fewer real-life connections.
“Traditions
aren’t just about the event itself—they’re about the people who uphold them. And when
people stop caring? The traditions
fade.”
Asking
whether the real question isn’t whether traditions will survive, her reply is,
rather: “What new traditions will we
build? And more importantly—will
they be better?”
A DEAD ECONOMY (except for the billionaires)
Probably not, according to the powerful and publicized International Monetary Fund journal (IMF).
The International Moneymovers, while dismissing the Trump tariffs as a minor and, presumably, temporary spider on the wall, cite global growth projections in the latest World Economic Outlook (WEO) as pit the USA against the world.
“Global growth is projected to slow from 3.3 percent in 2024 to 3.2 percent in 2025 and 3.1 percent in 2026, with advanced economies growing around 1.5 percent and emerging market and developing economies just above 4 percent. Inflation is projected to continue to decline globally, though with variation across countries: above target in the United States—with risks tilted to the upside—and subdued elsewhere.” (ATTACHMENT TWELVE)
The MoneyFunders highlight three trends as render the overall
environment “volatile”. They are...
Chapter 1: Global Prospects and
Policies
With global growth projected to slow and growth prospects remain dim, the world must adjusts “to a landscape marked by greater protectionism and fragmentation.”
Chapter 2:
Emerging Market Resilience: Good Luck or Good Policies?
The good news is that “Emerging markets” have shown remarkable resilience to risk-off shocks in recent years. “While favorable external conditions—good luck—contributed to this resilience, improvements in policy frameworks—good policies—played a critical role in bolstering the capacity of emerging markets to withstand risk-off shocks...”
Chapter 3:
Industrial Policy: Managing Trade-Offs to Promote Growth and Resilience
While the moneyfunders agree with many of the economic policies of Team Trump – boosting productivity, reducing reliance on imports – the problem for the peasants, should they wake up and resist, include “higher consumer prices for a prolonged period” and, according to another global gargoyle, the World Economic Forum (WEF – September 28, ATTACHMENT THIRTEEN) as takes a deeper dive into “under-the-radar trends” which takes a stab at guessing who will win for the rest of the year, and who will not.
“Disruption, uncertainty, and long-term structural
change are the big-picture trends shaping expectations for a weakened global
economy, according to the World Economic Forum’s latest Chief Economists’ Outlook”
– snapshotting a world where tariffs and trade tensions have realigned supply chains, the
effects of a weakened US dollar are spreading, and the stunning pace of
artificial intelligence development is creating uncertainty alongside new
growth opportunities.
Some of these Chief Economists and their proposed remedies include Fabien Curto Millet, Chief Economist, Google, who contends that AI could not just be a breakthrough, but “a breakthrough in breakthroughs,” which he calls a tantalizing prospect.
Some of these breakthroughs include a better understanding of proteins, the detection of gravitational waves, deciphering of ancient texts, or the reasons why some superbugs are resistant to antibiotics... revealing AI’s potential to boost research productivity – “helping to drive economic growth as well as advances in health and wellbeing.”
Svenja Gudell, Chief Economist of Indeed contends that the global economy “will be shaped by a race between the effects of an ageing population with declining labour force participation, and the potential productivity boost represented by continued evolution and adoption of AI tools.” Her two key points to know about that race are these: “It has already started, and we are already losing.”
Why? Declining birthrates and ageing labor force are especially impacting construction and healthcare – and President’s Trump war on migrants is complicating the crisis – therefore, the key challenge and opportunity represented by AI will be “our own ability to harness the tools’ power to support human workers’ ability to adapt, reskill and upskill to meet not just tomorrow’s labour needs, but today’s too.”
Steffen Kern, Chief Economist and Head of Risk Analysis, European Securities and Markets Authority (ESMA), sees an increasingly helter-skelter market in which a successor to bitcoins... “stablecoins”, including cross-country multi-issuance stablecoins (MISCs), as will, Mister Kern hopes: “take finance to a new level of efficiency between crypto and traditional markets.”
But, he warns that the short history of stablecoins “includes 23 failures in just over a decade, and earlier this year the Bank for International Settlements warned, as other expert have done before, of their fragile “redemption-at-par” promise.” Even riskier varients... the so-called “fungible coins” issued by private persons and agencies of miscellaneous repute (Donald Trump being one mercher) are presently containable but, as Mister Kern postulates growth beyond $3.5 trillion within five years, including deep systemic ties to sovereign debt, money markets and beyond: “A failure at that scale would not remain within crypto. It would gravely affect institutional and retail investors and hurt the wider economy. This risk is not worth taking.”
Besides, a large proportion of these fungipeople are criminals.
Wayne Best, Chief Economist and Senior Vice-President, Visa says that what used to be the benchmark for healthy job growth (around 150,000 per month) “becoming less relevant (as s)tructural shifts in the labour market are changing what “healthy” looks like.”
Using recent population projections from the Congressional Budget Office, Veep Best says that our analysis “shows that monthly job growth of just 40,000 to 50,000 could be enough to maintain a stable unemployment rate in 2026 – and possibly lower in 2027.”
On the demand side, inflation... some of which is tariff-induce, more due to climactic issues... are driving up the prices on Halloween staples: chocolate candy and carved pumpkins.
CNBC’s Lori Ann LaRocco cites “year-over-year increases as high as 300% on relatively inexpensive items, such as pumpkin carving kits, with underlying import tariffs near 60%.” (October 27th, ATTACHMENT FOURTEEN) “Retailers are forecasting a record Halloween sales season, but the reason is likely the higher prices across the board, according to experts.”
One such
expert is DataWeave, which analyzes SKUs (stock
keeping units), a scannable code retailers use to identify and track a
product. DW “has seen big price hikes
among relatively inexpensive Halloween items, led by pumpkin carving-related products.
Pumpkin Masters, the popular pumpkin carving company (made in China) that
offers a wide range of carving and decorating kits, topped the list in the
percentage of price increases, with year-over-year increases as high as 300%.”
The
National Retail Federation forecasts that Halloween spending will hit a record
$114 per person this year, but that is likely a function of higher prices
across the board.
“Prices are increasing across related categories, including costumes, candy, and pumpkin carving tools, as retailers deal with global uncertainty and work to manage the impact and total price passed on to consumers,” said Lauren Murphy, managing director, Wells Fargo Retail Finance.
Corporations,
be their wares holidaical, homesome
or homicidal are fending off the wiles of their purported friend, President
Trump – whose hatred of diversity,
equity and inclusion initiatives (as stated in testimony before the Senate
Judiciary Committee by Harmeet Dhillon) provoked the spooky warning to Wall
Street that: "Either DEI will end on its own," causing dozens of the
nation’s largest companies from McDonald’s to Facebook owner Meta to drop to
their knees and pucker up their lips, "or we will kill it."
And,
the unsaid appendage whispered, you. (Time (ATTACHMENT FIFTEEN)
“What
you see are companies bending themselves to the will of the president,” Dhillon
boasted. “The White House is in charge.”
In
recent months, the Justice Department has signaled its intention to investigate
federal contractors and grant recipients who “knowingly” violate civil rights
laws.
“If a
corporate DEI plan reads like a quota, then expect a subpoena,” Brandon Smith,
a partner with the Holtzman Vogel law firm and former chief of staff and
assistant solicitor general in the Tennessee Attorney General’s Office,
recently wrote in the National Review. “The era of accountability for violating
state and federal civil rights laws has begun.”
During
her Senate testimony, Dhillon promised the Trump administration would bring
“numerous investigations and lawsuits against institutions that continue to offend our federal civil rights laws.”
In its first step the Justice Department created the “Civil
Rights Fraud Initiative” and threatened legal action under the False Claims
Act, a civil law that allows the government to recover funds lost to fraud.
Next,
Time rocked and rolled, “the Justice Department has begun issuing civil
investigative demands (CIDs) to employers across a broad range of industries,
directing them to turn over information about their DEI programs.”
False
Claims Act lawsuits are costly to defend and damages and penalties can quickly
add up, the Morrison & Foerster law firm said.
“Violators
can be held liable for up to three times the total value of the contract in
addition to per-claim penalties of $14,000 to $28,000 for each time the
government contractor billed the government.
“What’s
more, the DOJ is encouraging whistleblowers to file lawsuits on the
government’s behalf and potentially receive a portion of the windfall. Last
year, the DOJ took in nearly $3 billion in False Claims Act settlements and
judgments.
“Just
the mere threat of a False Claims Act investigation is a powerful cudgel,
lawyers say.”
Time also
noted that the diversity (read darkskinned applicant
and employee) police are probing
the employment practices of state and local governments.
“The
DOJ has announced investigations into possible employment discrimination, the
state of Minnesota and the California Environmental Protection Agency. In May,
the DOJ said it was probing Chicago’s hiring decisions after Mayor Brandon
Johnson touted the number of Black officials in his administration.”
Private-sector
employers should expect “similar aggressive positions,” the Perkins Coie law firm warned.
After Djonald
Re-Elected fired
two Democratic commissioners before their terms were up, leaving the Equal
Employment Opportunity Commission without a quorum, the Senate confirmed his
pick of wooden puppet Brittany Panuccio as
commissioner of the EEOC, enabling Acting EEOC Chair Andrea Lucas to promise
that eliminating “illegal DEI” in the workplace was a top priority.
“As
head of the EEOC, I’m committed to dismantling the identity politics that have
plagued our civil rights laws,” Lucas said during her confirmation hearing for
a second term as a commissioner.
In
addition to nixing the... uh... African, Asian and Latin Americans... the
reconstructed EEOC is likely to reverse guidance on workplace harassment,
“which last year strengthened protections for LGBTQ+ workers, such as the right
to use bathrooms and pronouns that align with their gender identity” and, as DefSec Hegseth promised, do away
with “dudes in dresses.”
Not
even for Halloween costumarias.
DEAD
HOLIDAZE
The Berkeleyside spiderwebbs from the People’s Republic out there (October 25, ATTACHMENT SIXTEEN) reported that “the annual Día de los Muertos event hosted at Berkeley High School has been canceled out of caution following the arrival of federal immigration agents to the Bay Area earlier this week.”
The ICE vise clamped down over the party and parade and, although local officials reported that Trump’s “surge” operation had been canceled, a decision to cancel was made “to prioritize the well-being and safety of all community members.”
Google’s
AI overview on ICE raids upon Day of the Dead celebrations included cities like Long Beach, CA and Decatur,
AL, which canceled their 2025 events, “citing concerns over the presence of law
enforcement and the potential for family separation. Organizers decided
to cancel rather than risk the safety of their community members.”
While alien migrants and people who look like alien migrants have been hiding from ICE mice, black cats... not boppin’ rapper gobble-uns but actual rat-catching, nite-howlin’ felines are having their day tomorrow.
Readers’ Digest... yes, that one... walked on the wild side Friday nite and took a shot at scaring its milk n’cookies readership with terrifying tales of the holiday’s most visible creatures. (ATTACHMENT SEVENTEEN)
“The story of how the black cat became one of
Halloween’s most famous symbols,” as told by Cynthia Sanz Carstens, is a dark and
twisty tale that “dates back to the holiday’s earliest origins
and the cat’s penchant for getting in the middle of everything.”
WHAT DO BLACK CATS SYMBOLIZE?
“It depends on what culture you’re in,” says
Henning. Many Asian cultures view cats (of any color) as a symbol of good
fortune, while Welsh and Scottish folklore holds that the arrival of a black
cat at your door brings good health and prosperity.
“In England, black cats were considered lucky
because they were thought to be better hunters who could move around quickly in
the dark,” Meghan Henning, PhD, a professor of Christian origins at the
University of Dayton in Ohio told the Digest. “But then black cats became
associated with witchcraft and the devil, and it turned on them. If a black cat
crossed your path, it meant bad luck was coming your way.”
THE SACRED
FELINE
“In ancient Egypt, black cats were more than just
beloved—they were worshipped,” Henning relates. “Bastet, the daughter of the
sun god, Ra, was frequently depicted as a cat and was said to protect homes
from evil spirits.” And rats! “In wealthy households, cats were treated as
royalty, dressed in jewels and immortalized in paintings and statues. When the
cats died, they were mummified in the hope that they would one day be reunited
with their owner in the afterlife. And anyone who killed a cat was sentenced to death.”
Elsewhere, however, the cats were those sentenced to death.
“In Greek mythology, we have Hecate, who’s the goddess of magic, and she
has a cat,” says Henning. “The cat became Hecate’s familiar, helping her with
her spells and her work as a witch.”
Black cats
played a central role in the Celtic-pagan harvest festival called Samhain
(pronounced SOW-in or SAH-win), and legend had it that a Celtic creature called the Cat-Sith, said to
resemble a large black cat with a white spot on its chest, was actually a witch
transformed into a cat. “Leaving a saucer of milk out for the Cat-Sith on
Samhain would bring blessings over the year ahead. But anyone who didn’t offer
milk to the Cat-Sith would be cursed.”
The cats’
real troubles, Henning relates, began in the year 1233 when
Pope Gregory IX issued his papal bull, ‘Vox in Rama,' in response “to a rumor
that there were a whole bunch of Satan worshippers in Germany.”
The Inquisitor, Konrad von Marburg,
declared that Luciferians in Germany were worshipping the devil in various
forms, including that of a demonic black cat. “The devil that’s supposedly
being worshipped is a kind of shadowy half-man, half-cat figure, and there
are stories of the witches kissing a black cat’s
butt,” says Henning. “You can see how that stuck with people, right? And
it led to the widespread persecution of black cats, and other cats too...” even
some fat cats with two legs, partial to having his behind kissed by
supplicants.
“Some people say that cats were almost eliminated
in Europe, and that’s part of what led to the spread of the bubonic
plague—because there weren’t cats around to kill the mice,” says Henning. “It
wasn’t a great time to be a cat.”
Nor, here and there, is the present a particularly great time for the felines adopted or hijacked by superstitious Satanists to be sacrificed during the spooky season, according toe Cyristina Thykjaer in Euronews.com.
The prevalence of cat sacrifice has even motivated the Spanish city of Terrassa to suspend adoption of black cats until the end of the month.
Black cats are customarily associated with demons and this led Penelope Geng, in the Conversation (October 27, ATTACHMENT EIGHTEEN) to expostulate upon the similarities and differences between demons and other Halloween haints like ghosts.
“Belief in the spirit world is a key part of many faiths and
religions,” Geng wrote, citing a 2023 survey of 26
countries, which revealed that about half the respondents believed in the
existence of angels, demons, fairies and ghosts. “In the United States, a 2020 poll found that
about half of Americans believe ghosts and demons are real.”
Through
history (King James VI’s attack upon “detestable slaves of the Devill”), legends (Reformation Protestants blaming
Catholics for inventing ghosts to “scare people into obedience”), tales
(Hamlet, Faustus) and artworks (see images here).
While ghosts are often benevolent... from Banquo
to Caspar... or, believed Reformation Lutherans, as in Ludwig Lavater’s 1572 book “Of Ghostes
and Spirites Walking by Night”, simply the “falsehood
of Monkes, or illusions of devils, franticke imaginations, or some other frivolous and vaine perswasions...” Geng contends that they “enthusiastically accepted the reality
of devils.”
Demons,
as opposed to ghosts, “were almost always malevolent tricksters who served the
Devil. Demons lacked knowledge of what it meant to be human. Hell was the
demons’ lair. Early modern texts describe them visiting the earthly plane to
corrupt, possess or tempt humans to commit self-harm or violence against
others.
Should
you ever encounter an “apparition,” advised Lavater,
“you must call it out for what it truly is: a devil pretending to be a ghost.”
USA
Today (ATTACHMENT NINETEEN) profiled what is believed to be the largest
gathering of corpses... the cemetery at Colma, south
of San Francisco.
Reporter
Chris Kenning interviewed the graveyard groundskeeper, Richard Rocchetta, who listed some of the celebrities in repose at Colma
“There’s Joe DiMaggio, the “Yankee
Clipper,” Rocchetta pointed out. “There’s Wyatt Earp, the mustachioed Old West
lawman. There's music impresario Bill Graham and William Randolph Hearst, the
news tycoon.” And, in between, were the lesser-known: Bankers, priests, Hells
Angels bikers and Alcatraz inmates.
Local
denizens include George
Moscone, a San Francisco mayor who was assassinated in 1978 along with Harvey
Milk, a member of the board of supervisors who was the first openly gay man to
be elected to public office in California. Abigail Folger, the coffee heiress
murdered by Charles Manson’s cult members and denim magnate Levi Strauss, “who lies
in a domed mausoleum.”
And there’s Emperor Norton, a late-1800s San
Francisco eccentric figure known for wearing a
ostrich-plumed hat and sword and dubbing himself the "Emperor of the
United States and Protector of Mexico.”
Colma,
incorporated as a necropolis in 1924 after San Francisco banned new burials, is
home to 1.6 million souls in 17 cemeteries that take
up most of its 2.2 square miles. In one of America’s most grave-dense cities, there are Italian,
Serbian and Japanese cemeteries. Majestic arched entrances and elegant columbariums. A Chinese cemetery whose entrance
is flanked by giant panda statues and Pet’s Rest, where plots with animals from ocelots
to iguanas honor pets with names like Yugi, Taco, Ludwig, Buster, Chico the Chihuahua. Here, also, Tina Turner's dog is buried with one of her fur coats.
This time of year, opined Kenning, “you
might imagine that Colma would be Halloween mecca,
that it would draw legions seeking gothic shenanigans and fog-shrouded
backdrops for seances or selfies.
Former Colma
Police Sgt. Tim Mackie told the East Bay Times in 2005 that. during nighttime
graveyard patrols, he’d discovered naked lovers, people dancing on graves and
the remains of seances, with candles circling a grave and pieces of a chicken
strewn about.
There
was the time when police spotted a man with blood dripping from his ear and
mouth in a cemetery who then seemed to disappear, the outlet reported, with
Mackie noting that while there were “some cops who get spooked out at
nighttime” he wasn’t one of them.
“It
was a free-for-all back then,” said local publican Owen Molloy, until the
cemeteries put in fences and installed security cameras.
“Every
Halloween, we get a call from some newspaper or whatever,” says Helen Fisicaro, a Colma city council
member and former mayor who has lived in town since the 1970s.
“But there really isn't that kind of story
here. It's not scary. It's not ghostly. There's this protection or reverence of
the cemeteries.”
So
now, rather as in the case of the “calavers” of the
Day of the Dead, “this is
not the haunted place many envision, but rather one of reverence that stands as
a story of how we remember our dead and their place in history,” Kenning
writes before soliciting some last words from Rocchetta
– “who takes his
matter-of-fact approach to a life spent among the dead from his father’s maxim:
“You need to worry more about those
above ground than those underneath it.”
DEAD
DEMOCRACY
The
concept "democracy
of the dead" was coined by English author G.K. Chesterton in his 1908 tome, Orthodoxy
to explain the importance of tradition.
(Google AI Overview: ATTACHMENT TWENTY) “In this view, democracy isn't
limited to the votes of the living, but should also honor the "votes"
of past generations, the deceased by
encouraging...
A wider electorate: Tradition
is described as "an extension of the franchise" to include the
deceased, giving them a vote in the present.
A check on the "small and arrogant oligarchy of those who merely happen to be walking about".
Suggesting that the wisdom of previous generations provides important perspective on current affairs (contrary to the Gen. Zombie mentality expressed in Attachment Twelve, above), googly eyes read and googly brains (“Mmmm, brains!”) find Chesterton’s philosophy comparable to Mexico's Día de los Muertos (November 1–2) – which holiday is “a tradition that literally gives a voice to the ancestors.”
Ancestors, of course, have had a few unpleasant traits along with the virtues recalled by nostalgics... there have always been wars, famine, inequality (to the extent of slavery and genocide), strange and unpleasant superstitions and a recurring notion of nationhood as promotes isolation and bigotry.
Thus the exploitation of Halloween, the Days of the Dead and other holidays (including soon, probably unfortunately, Veterans’ Day) by predators like the ICE ethnic cleansers and their allies among police, National Guardsmen and the military.
Fear of
the “catch and deport” authorities is, reports Minnesota Public Radio (itself
slated for extermination in the near and probable future), is casting a “pall” over Minnesota’s Dia de los Muertos celebrations. (ATTACHMENT TWENTY ONE)
MPR sought out (Mexican) men and women on the streets of Mankato... citizens or aliens... and found that the national attention surrounding anti-immigration caused fear in Latino communities, “impacting them from going to grocery stores or gas stations despite holding legal statuses,” testified Luis Albert Orozco, who claimed to know close family friends who have legal status, but are still very worried about even just filling up their gas tank after work “just because you never know,” Orozco said. “I am scared because you never know what can happen.”
What happened last week was that U.S. Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem paid a visit to Minnesota on Friday to highlight the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown and threaten citizens and aliens alike.
“The threat of ‘We’re going to deploy the National
Guard,’ ‘We’re going to use force,’ that is something that is really extreme,” said Ryan Perez, organizing
director for Communities Organizing Latine Power and
Action, or COPAL, based in Minneapolis.
“We’ve seen the video of ICE agents, how
aggressive they’re getting in pushing people down to the ground, slamming their
faces against cement.
A lot of folks have said that that’s a significant escalation in many
communities than what was happening before.”
“We’ve heard of so many small businesses sharing with us that foot traffic is down, visits are down to restaurants, visits are down to the grocery store, and it’s been impacting school districts,” Perez said.
“We’ve heard a lot of families
are not sending their kids to school. They’re afraid that the kid will come
home and Mom and Dad won’t be there, and that’s a really scary reality.”
That’s why
events like Old Town Day of the Dead in Mankato are important for Latinos
embracing their identity and culture. Justin Ek, 35,
of North Mankato, is co-founder of the event, MPR notes. “He remembers how much the event grew from
its humble beginnings in his family’s painting business parking lot, to now
spanning multiple blocks,” and says he hopes that it “inspires younger
generations (to believe) that they do belong.”
“I love
thinking about when I’m in this event, is how I felt as a kid in Mexico during
this season,” Orozco said. “When the skies would get clear, and we were able to
see all the stars in the sky, and that was sort of a sign that our ancestors
were looking over us during this time.”
The celebration will go on, despite the ICE and despite the fear that has shut down the holiday in even ultra-liberal cities like Berkeley (Attachment Sixteen, above). “We’re all here just to celebrate and have a good time,” Martha Croyle told MPR. “We want to enjoy this colorful culture that brings everybody together. Don't let yourself be overcome by fear. We're stronger together.”
Also from
the Gopher State, the Twin Cities Pioneer Press graciously reprinted the New
York Times’ paywalled plea by David Brooks that “the death of democracy is happening within us.” (ATTACHMENT TWENTY TWO
Giving rare credit to Old Goneaway Joe, Brooks brought to mind that, after their “convincing election victory” in
2020, Democrats proceeded to do what all
victorious parties do. “They passed legislation in accord with their
priorities, including raising health insurance subsidies to families making up
to 400% of the poverty line. They wrote the law so that the subsidies would
expire in 2025.
“In 2024, the Republicans won
a convincing election victory. They proceeded to do what all victorious parties
do. They passed legislation in accord with their priorities, including letting
the Democrats’ insurance subsidies expire as planned.
“If the Democrats were a normal party that believed in democratic
principles, they would have planned to go to the voters in the next elections
and said: These Republican policies are terrible! You should vote for us!
“But of course that’s not what the Democrats
decided to do. Instead, they shut down the government. Why did they do that?
Because we don’t live in a healthy democracy. We live in a country in which the
norms, beliefs and practices that hold up a democracy are dying even in the
minds of many of the people who profess to oppose Donald Trump.”
Channelling Daniel Patrick Moynihan’s
“Defining Deviancy Down”, Brooks opined that – while Trump is destroying
democratic norms, Democrats “have decided to follow him into the basement.”
His evidence includes the gerrymandering in Texas and California, the ubiquitous “fighting” rhetoric and the sort of indoctrinarian education, he covered in the Soviet Union before it fell.
“Today, if you are a Republican you have
basically turned yourself into a Trump bobblehead figure who gets to go on Fox
News from time to time.” If you’re a
Democrat, you’re just weak and confused.
“There has been a slow moral, emotional and intellectual degradation,”
Brooks concludes — the loss of the “convictions, norms and habits of mind that
undergird democracy. What worries me most is the rot creeping into your mind,
and into my own.”
Crawling through the rot like maggots, MAGAbiles
are cheering on Their President as he dons his Thomas Jefferson costume to
revive the Insurrection
Act, passed in 1807, which allows the President to use the military as
they deem “necessary” to enforce the law or suppress insurrection in the U.S. under certain conditions.
Retaliating by pretending to be Rutherford Hayes, one
of those darned Federal
Judges ruled early in September that the deployment of Guard troops
in Los Angeles this summer violated
another 19th-century federal law... the 1878 Posse Comitatus Act, which bars the President from using the
military for law enforcement purposes within the U.S. But it’s a sort of Vice Presidential law; the Insurrection Act gives Trump
“authority to deploy the troops domestically” — again, in specific
circumstances whose speciality has now
transported, of course, into the dimension of the lawyers. (Time, ATTACHMENT TWENTY
THREE)
It’s not a statute of the rare,
albino bald eagle sort... the Insurrection
Act “has been invoked on multiple occasions over the years,” Time
reported, lastly in 1992 “when President George H.W. Bush deployed the National
Guard, at the request of former California Gov. Pete Wilson, ?to suppress
unrest in Los Angeles following the acquittal of four white police officers who
were filmed beating Rodney King.”
An earlier invocation occurred in
Little Rock, Ark., in 1957
“against the wishes of the governor to quell opposition to the integration of
Central High School.” But in this
instance – taking away the rights of Americans instead of expanding on them – Rachel Van Cleave, a professor at the McGeorge School of Law,
calling resort to the Insurrection Act “pretty remarkable”, but also dangerous
in that the California Guardsmen being sent to Oregon would be gone at the
height of wildfire season.
The death of democracy was
studied by Jonathan Schlefer (ATTACHMENT TWENTY
FOUR), who cited How Democracies Die, by the Harvard political
scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt as also the murdered democracies in Hungary,
Thailand and Zambia as led Brian Klaas to warn in The Atlantic, three years ago, that “American
democracy is dying.”
Schlefer accused Trump
of doing all the same things as the authoritarians Levitsky
and Ziblatt studied: “He has refused to accept
electoral defeats; called political opponents criminals and tried to jail them
even while backing his own violent supporters”; and has lashed out at opponents
and the media as “enemies of the people” — a chilling phrase that
echoes Soviet dictator Joseph Stalin, Schlefer writes,
as well as the Nazi propagandist Joseph Goebbels.
This is a dire moment for U.S. democracy, Politico reports (to use the
established media’s ... to make it worse, the assassination of Charlie Kirk
threatens to ratchet up “not only the recent surge of political violence but to
reanimate “the poisonous tradition of political assassination that runs through
Martin Luther King., Jr., President John F. Kennedy, the many Black leaders
murdered during Jim Crow, and the Civil War.”
Deranged individuals perpetrated the recent attacks, Schlefer
admits, but “shared fear that U.S. politics is at an existential moment as the
2026 and 2028 elections approach surely portends more widespread and equally
damaging threats of violence.”
Against the pessimism, however,
Politico’s posits in favor of democratic survival include certain alienable
premises, like...
WEALTH IS GOOD FOR DEMOCRACY...
PRESIDENTS ARE
BETTER FOR DEMOCRACY THAN PRIME MINISTERS...
TRUMP IS LESS
POPULAR THAN SUCCESSFUL AUTOCRATS
THE SUPREME
COURT STILL HAS POWER
In opposition, and from cringing
sources, the Guardian U.K. (Oct. 2, ATTACHMENT TWENTY FIVE)
published EuroFears that American democracy might not survive another year. Evidence that GUKster
Alexander Hurst presented for his contention include an overweight
president who can’t pronounce acetaminophen and who bumbles, for
a full minute, about how he would have renovated the UN’s New York headquarters
with marble floors, rather than a terrazzo.
But the “comedic quality of the
disguise” donned by Donnie is emblematic, Hurst opines, in Umberto Eco’s
definition of Ur-Fascism (lighter and less competent than Hitler or Stalin, but
still repugnant)... “ the call to tradition
and the rejection of reason, the fear of difference, the hostility towards
disagreement, the ressentiment, the machismo, the degradation of language into
newspeak, the cult of a “strong” leader.”
GUK’s litany of sins that the
American President has committed include deployment of the US
@begin
a25
|
IN the NEWS: OCTOBER 23RD
to OCTOBER 29TH, 2025 |
|
|
|
Thursday, October 23, 2025 Dow: 46,734.61 |
On the 23rd day of Shutdown, Sen. Ron
Johnson (R-Wi) opposes paying workers because that would prolong the
strike. The VA no longer pays for
medical care for vets, nor undertakers’ fees for burying them when they die
(and then there are the wild pigs digging up untended graves). Soldiers in uniform line up at charity food
banks; SNAP scheduled to run out of money and, as Ukraine War continues,
Trump imposes sanction on Russian Lukoil and Mossnet. The
Shutdown halts construction on Alligator Alcatraz but not Trump’s Golden
Ballroom and photos of the demolition called a metaphor for the
administration (lateniter Seth Myers says “the
first thing the aliens do when they come is blow up the White House). The President says he’ll have to raise
costs from $200 to $300M, but private donors will step in (for a favor) and
good bye to the famous Rose Garden, Fans and
haters argue the selection of Bad Bunny as Superbowl halftime act... 70.000
sign petition to replace him with (a white, English speaking) George
Strait. ICE continues rounding up
brown, black and yellow people, even Puerto Ricans and citizens while the
Dept. of War continues sinking boats off Venezuela... 9 now, with 37
killed. Next ICE target, NYC’s
Chinatown. King
Charles meets Pope Leo at the Vatican where they discuss world affairs and
avoid Andrew. |
|
|
Friday, October 24, 2025 Dow:
47,207.51 |
Trump finds America a new enemy – Canada. After Ontario releases an old anti-tariff
video by Ronald Reagan, Trump cancels trade talks and, also, pardons a crypto
crook Zhou who traded billions in Trump bitcoins. FBI busts
massive mafia-related
plot to get NBA stars and coaches to defraud fans and suckers
with rigged poker games and point shaving on games. The gambling scandal returns attention to
the good ol’ American (and Italian) mafia as
against Mexican and Latin crack and Chinese fentanyl. ICE, DHS, military and more continue
rounding up migrants (some criminal, maybe not)... Border Czar Greg Bovino fights protesters by throwing
teargas into the crowds... Trump sends 5.000 more troops south; denies
he’ll declare war on Colombia, Venezuela, Canada or whomever: “we’ll just
kill people.” Out of jail,
Letitia James claims indictment is invalid because deputy AyGee
Lindsay Halligan is not a career prosecutor.
She also asks for her case to be combined with James Comey’s as
“revenge prosecution” – and perhaps John Bolton’s too. |
|
|
Saturday, October 25, 2025 Dow:
Closed |
One hundred days to Winter Olympics in Milan. A ways east, in
Paris, les flics catch two of the
four Louvre jewel thieves at the airport, trying to escape... one to Algeria,
the other to Mali. Two other remain at large and the jewels have not bee recovered and the Poirots,
Javerts and other Inspectors say... “Inside Job?” Bocker, makers of the ladder used by them to break in, is
reportedly merching their tools On Shutdown
Day 25, half a million gumment workers miss first
paycheck while President Trump begins his Asian tour that will include
meetings with Chinese dictator Xi on Thursday and, perhaps, even with the NoKos. He sends
the heavily armed U.S.S. Gerald Ford to the Caribbean to hunt drug smugglers,
but actual punishment is imposed on Canada – more tariff hikes and sanctions
because the state of Ontario circulated a video of Ronald Reagan saying teriffs were bad. In sports,
those dastardly Toronto Blue Jays beat America’s defending champion Dodgers
11-4 in game one of the world series.
Fans are reportedly deserting the NBA over cheating and point shaving
scandals by players and coaches (above) as include Charlotte player Terry
Rozier and Portland Coach Chauncey Billups |
|
|
Sunday, October 19, 2025 Dow:
Closed |
On Talkshow Sunday, Democrats may still be shrieking “No
Kings!” but ComSec Scott (Bessent)
is King for the Day, telling “the Talk” on ABC that he’s grooming Djonald DisOriented for his
dealings with Xi and then crossing over to “Face the Nation”, expressing
confidence that deals on rare earths and soybeans will be consummated and
urges the asses to support a “clean” continuing budget & maybe get
healthcare relief later. Sen. Mark
Kelly (R-Az) inquires if he, or anybody, can save Joneses from medical
insurance premiums and slated to rise from $300 to $1,200 per month and says
the Coast Guard, not the Navy, should prosecute the aquatic War on
Drugs. Important Generals say that
Kathryn Bigelow, director of the bam bam new nuke
war movie “House of Dynamite” is mostly right to question allegedly perfect
shootdown test scores given the arms control deal with Russia expires on New
Years’ Day and Mad Vlad, anger is showing towards Trump and towards America. The ABC
roundtable discusses the shutdown – former DNC chair Brazile
says healthcare is being gutted vs. former RNC chair Priebus, who says that
when Trump comes back with his China deal, he’ll bring all the people
together. Brazile
says demolition of the East Wing for Trump’s Golden Ballroom is “vanity
project”, RP says most people don’t care, other paneliss
Sara Isgur says it doesn’t rank among America’ Top
Hundred crises, while Charles Lane says it’s all “optics”. They also discuss upcoming elections: Virgina AyGee Ass Jay Jones
proving a real ass with a loose tongue; house leader Jeffries stalled on
NYC’s Zorro, knowing he will “drag the Democrats down in ’28.” And
speaking of a horrific 2028 race, Trump mulling running for Third Term
despite the 22nd Amendment while Kamala Harris says she’ll
probably run again – setting up the perfect storm of dual despicability. |
|
|
Monday, October 27, 2025 Dow:
46,706.58 |
President Trump arrives in Japan, preparing for his
China conference with Xi on fentanyl, tariffs, and TikTok
as Air Force One avoids the delays and danger facing other travelers due to
the shutdown and its effect on Air Traffic Control that closes LAX. In the Himalays,
south of China, Jim Morris (not that one) skis down Everest while two Navy
planes crash in separate incidents further south in the South China Sea. POTUS gone,
Congress still on vacation and Senate still squabbline
as the fourth week of Shutdown begins, USDA runs political ads blaming
Democrats if SNAP is killed on the Day of the Dead and children starve...
strangely enough, the Dow keeps rising to record heights. Inflation figures out late, due to
shutdown... 3% price hikes override 2.8% Soc Sec benefits. No price
too high for “KPOP Dragon Fighters” costumes – so in demand that stores are
running out and, with severe drought in West Africa’s cocoa plantations
causing prices to double, Halloween candy becoming more cotly. Give ‘em lemons,
instead? Another
anime “Chainsaw” beats Bruce bio at B.O. despite Angela Cartwright, (Penny on
“Lost in Space” and now 73), paying tribute to “Mom” June Lockhart who, even
at 100, was a rock and roll fan. And
football fans, players and commentators remember Nick Mangold who played all
his professional life for the New York Jets who, after starting 0-7, finally
did him right by beating Cincinnati. |
|
|
Tuesday, October 28, 2025 Dow:
47,706.37 |
Melissa hits Jamaica as a Cat. 5 with winds of 185
and gusts of 215mph, then moves on to Cuba.
Tourists stranded as airport is shut down. It misses the U.S.A. but heavy storms and
unrelated tornadoes hit Florida while high winds in the West increase
wildfire danger... just as Trump orders deep cuts in climate bureau. The
President prepares for China trip enraged at ICE for falling short of
October’s catch and deport alien raids and at sub-SCOTUS judges (some his own
appointees) for blocking the firing of more furloughed Federal workers. Some air traffic controllers now want
Democrats to surrender out of concern for safety but the 13th
Senate shutdown votes fails, same as before.
Combined with next week’s SNAP cancel, the influx of fired and laid
off workers strains food banks and charities.
Congressional chaplain Barry Black says that there is no award given
out for setting new gumment closure record. An even
longer event, World Series game three, taken by the Dodgers in 18 innings. As the
markets soar, private business cutting jobs, too. Amazon kills 14K, plans 30K more firings
(but is still advertising for holiday temps at lower wages). Nvidia, now world’s #1 at $5T, tells
workers “you’re not going to lose your job to AI,
you’re going to lose your job to the people who run AI.” Happy Halloween! |
|
|
Wednesday, October 29, 2025 Dow: 47,632.00 |
Brave (or foolish) journalists invade Jamaica,
looking for and finding human interest stories like the tourist who called
Melissa “crazy” with the winds, the flooding and landslides and...
crocodiles! Rescue and relief workers
enter, with only “dozens” dead so far, but stoners
worry: “What about the weed?” Rosa
DiLauro, the Senator (D-Ct) with purple hair, calls the SNAPdown
“Immoral.” Judge Sam Ellis greenlights
ICE invasions of schools, children’s Halloween parties and shootings of
meddlesome priests and parents, saying: “...if someone strays into a pepperball, that’s on them. Don’t trespass!” President
Trump signs trade deal with Japan and new SoKo
right-wing female Prez gives him a golden
crown. He Zooms his boass that, having stopped drug imports by sea, the US
military will now invade and attack on land, leading to lawsuits and fears of
forever wars – not alleviated when he tears up nuclear test treaties and
promised more and bigger bombs to prosecute short, sweet, World War
Three. Back home, his family business
expands to opening up Truth Social as a crypto-gambling site while singer
Drake’s “Stake” casinos face civil and criminal litigation and point shaving NBAsters suspended and indicted. Gamblers
and pollsters largely agree that people dislike the President, but dislike donkeys
too. |
|
|
|
||
|
THE DON JONES INDEX CHART of CATEGORIES w/VALUE ADDED to EQUAL
BASELINE of 15,000 (REFLECTING… approximately… DOW JONES INDEX of
June 27, 2013) Gains in indices
as improved are noted in GREEN. Negative/harmful indices in RED as are their designation. (Note – some of the indices where the total
went up created a realm where their value went down... and vice versa.) See a
further explanation of categories HERE |
|
ECONOMIC INDICES |
(60%) |
|
|||||||||||||
|
CATEGORY |
VALUE |
BASE |
RESULTS by PERCENTAGE |
SCORE |
OUR
SOURCES and COMMENTS |
|
|||||||||
|
INCOME |
(24%) |
6/17/13 revised 1/1/22 |
LAST |
CHANGE |
NEXT |
LAST
WEEK |
THIS WEEK |
THE WEEK’S CLOSING
STATS... |
|
||||||
|
Wages (hrly.
Per cap) |
9% |
1350 points |
10/23/25 |
+16.12% |
11/25 |
1,846.20 |
1,846.20 |
https://tradingeconomics.com/united-states/average-hourly-earnings 31.46 36.53 |
|
||||||
|
Median Inc. (yearly) |
4% |
600 |
10/23/25 |
+0.047% |
11/5/25 |
904.38 |
904.81 |
http://www.usdebtclock.org/ 44,763 |
|
||||||
|
Unempl. (BLS – in mi) |
4% |
600 |
10/23/25 |
+2.33% |
10/25 |
530.25 |
530.25 |
|
|||||||
|
Official (DC –
in mi) |
2% |
300 |
10/23/25 |
+0.03% |
11/5/25 |
215.35 |
215.29 |
http://www.usdebtclock.org/ 7,282 |
|
||||||
|
Unofficl. (DC – in mi) |
2% |
300 |
10/23/25 |
+0.31% |
11/5/25 |
231.35 |
230.63 |
http://www.usdebtclock.org/ 14,868 |
|
||||||
|
Workforce Participation Number Percent |
2% |
300 |
10/23/25 |
+0.019% -0.012% |
11/5/25 |
296.97 |
296.87 |
http://www.usdebtclock.org/ In
163,580 Out 104,226 Total: 267,806 61..082 |
|
||||||
|
WP % (ycharts)* |
1% |
150 |
10/23/25 |
-0.16% |
10/25 |
150.71 |
150.71 |
https://ycharts.com/indicators/labor_force_participation_rate 62.30 |
|
||||||
|
OUTGO |
(15%) |
|
|||||||||||||
|
Total Inflation |
7% |
1050 |
10/23/25 |
+0.4% |
10/25 |
927.45 |
927.45 |
http://www.bls.gov/news.release/cpi.nr0.htm +0.4 |
|
||||||
|
Food |
2% |
300 |
10/23/25 |
+0.5% |
10/25 |
262.59 |
262.59 |
http://www.bls.gov/news.release/cpi.nr0.htm +0.5 |
|
||||||
|
Gasoline |
2% |
300 |
10/23/25 |
+1.9% |
10/25 |
255.11 |
255.11 |
http://www.bls.gov/news.release/cpi.nr0.htm +1.9 |
|
||||||
|
Medical Costs |
2% |
300 |
10/23/25 |
-0.1% |
10/25 |
274.20 |
274.20 |
http://www.bls.gov/news.release/cpi.nr0.htm -0.1 |
|
||||||
|
Shelter |
2% |
300 |
10/23/25 |
+0.4% |
10/25 |
250.63 |
250.63 |
http://www.bls.gov/news.release/cpi.nr0.htm
+0.4 |
|
||||||
|
WEALTH |
An official website of the United States government census.gov
Notification |
|
|||||||||||||
|
Dow Jones
Index |
2% |
300 |
10/23/25 |
+2.40% |
11/5/25 |
354.93 |
363.45 |
https://www.wsj.com/market-data/quotes/index/ 47,632.00 |
|
||||||
|
Home (Sales) (Valuation) |
1% 1% |
150 150 |
10/23/25 |
+1.015% -1.75% |
11/25 |
125.77 272.70 |
125.77 272.70 |
Sales (M): 4.06 Valuations
(K): 415.2 |
|
||||||
|
Millionaires (New Category) |
1% |
150 |
10/23/25 |
+0.05% |
11/5/25 |
134.09 |
134.15 |
http://www.usdebtclock.org/ 23,816 |
|
||||||
|
Paupers (New
Category) |
1% |
150 |
10/23/25 |
+0.019% |
11/5/25 |
133.31 |
133.36 |
http://www.usdebtclock.org/ 37,268 |
|
||||||
|
|||||||||||||||
|
GOVERNMENT |
(10%) |
|
|||||||||||||
|
Revenue (trilns.) |
2% |
300 |
10/23/25 |
+0.11% |
11/5/25 |
458.98 |
459.50 |
http://www.usdebtclock.org/ 5,266 |
|
||||||
|
Expenditures
(tr.) |
2% |
300 |
10/23/25 |
+0.03% |
11/5/25 |
294.42 |
294.33 |
http://www.usdebtclock.org/
7,021 |
|
||||||
|
National Debt
tr.) |
3% |
450 |
10/23/25 |
+0.38% |
11/5/25 |
356.92 |
355.56 |
http://www.usdebtclock.org/ 38,048 |
|
||||||
|
Aggregate Debt
(tr.) |
3% |
450 |
10/23/25 |
+0.08% |
11/5/25 |
378.79 |
378.49 |
http://www.usdebtclock.org/ 105,067 |
|
||||||
|
|||||||||||||||
|
TRADE |
(5%) |
|
|||||||||||||
|
Foreign Debt
(tr.) |
2% |
300 |
10/23/25 |
+0.13% |
11/5/25 |
259.70 |
259.37 |
http://www.usdebtclock.org/
9,342 |
|
||||||
|
Exports (in billions) |
1% |
150 |
10/23/25 |
+1.15% |
10/25 |
174.76 |
174.76 |
https://www.census.gov/foreign-trade/current/index.html 280.5 |
|
||||||
|
Imports (in
billions)) |
1% |
150 |
10/23/25 |
-5.94% |
10/25 |
151.56 |
151.56 |
https://www.census.gov/foreign-trade/current/index.html 358.8 |
|
||||||
|
Trade Surplus/Deficit (blns.) |
1% |
150 |
10/23/25 |
-23.12% |
10/25 |
253.88 |
253.88 |
https://www.census.gov/foreign-trade/current/index.html 78.3 |
|
||||||
|
|
An official website of the United States government census.gov Notification |
|
|||||||||||||
|
SOCIAL INDICES |
(40%) |
|
|
||||||||||||
|
ACTS
of MAN |
(12%) |
|
|
|
|||||||||||
|
World
Affairs |
3% |
450 |
10/23/25 |
+0.1% |
11/5/25 |
470.08 |
470.55 |
King Charles and Pope Leo meet & pray under the
shadow of Andrew. World’s oldest Prez, Paul Biya of Cameroon
((92), elected to 8th term.
In foodie news, Argentine’s Milieu re-elected despite peso sinking to
new low – despite Trump’s beef bailout, China, post-summit, agrees to buy
more American soybeans despite collapse of a silo in Illinois. |
|
||||||
|
War and terrorism |
2% |
300 |
10/23/25 |
-0.3% |
11/5/25 |
290.08 |
289.21 |
Trump says he doesn’t have to declare war on
Venezuela (or Canada, or Chicago) – “I’ll just kill people.” His drug boat bombings pivot to the Pacific
Coast and $50M “wanted, dead or alibe” posters circulate for VenPrez Maduro. Only sporadic killings in Gaza as ceasefire
holds until Tuesday after Israeli solder snipered, but bombing resumes
thereafter and aid trucks stalled, Russia keeps bombing so oil sanctions
imposed while Trump declares nuclear testing to resume. ICE newest target: NYC’s Chinatown. |
|
||||||
|
Politics |
3% |
450 |
10/23/25 |
-0.2% |
11/5/25 |
461.15 |
460.22 |
Dems charge $300M private Golden Ballroom donations
for favors are corrupt, Trump commands demolitionists to sign non-disclosure
papers. Steve Bannon says he’ll defy
the 22nd and run against Kamala in 2028 as turnout dips to 3% in
what pundits call a “ghoulish” election. |
|
||||||
|
Economics |
3% |
450 |
10/23/25 |
-0.1% |
11/5/25 |
430.93 |
430.50 |
Unfired Feddies cut interest rate by a quarter of a
point – not the three points MAGA wants, but something. Target targets 1,800 jobs. 3% inflation beats 2.8% social security
hike. Dems say SNAP cancel on Day of
the Dead will kill children, Bobble
wins praise for cutting prices on infant formula for laid-offs. |
|
||||||
|
Crime |
1% |
150 |
10/23/25 |
+0.1% |
11/5/25 |
209.48 |
209.77 |
NBA gambling scandal masterminded by good o’
(American) mobsters. Police killings:
Georgia man shot while stabbing firefighters with machete, Sonya Massey
shooter convicted of 2nd degree murder. Killer killings: Seven shot at Lincoln
Union college homecoming in Chester, PA, five more at Howard U., disgruntled
worker kills two in Tennessee. 15 year
old arrested for 30 violent sex crimes.
Police warn of trange criminals sellng poisoned Halloween candy. Two more strangers busted for
“inappropriate conduct” on a children’s playground device. |
|
||||||
|
ACTS
of GOD |
(6%) |
|
|
|
|
||||||||||
|
Environment/Weather |
3% |
450 |
10/23/25 |
-0.1% |
11/5/25 |
284.36 |
284.08 |
Jamaica struck by Melissa, strongest since Gilbert
in 1988 while flooding and tornadoes bedevil Florida and Western wildfires
resume. POTUS approves more drill baby
in newly un-rangered Alaska Natl. parks and all such – coast to coast and
Nacodoches to Nome become poachers’ paradise. |
|
||||||
|
Disasters |
3% |
450 |
10/23/25 |
+0.3% |
11/5/25 |
457.94 |
459.31 |
Hero mom saves 22 kids from burning Minnesota school
bus. Firefighter in California rescues Zeke the Dog from Oceanside
cliff. Shutdown makes air travel more
dangerous with crashes and near crashes skyrocketing (but no mass casualty
incidents yet). |
|
||||||
|
LIFESTYLE/JUSTICE
INDEX |
(15%) |
|
|
|
|
||||||||||
|
Science, Tech, Education |
4% |
600 |
10/23/25 |
-0.1% |
11/5/25 |
617.69 |
616.67 |
Student loan debtors reduced to begging on
TikTok. AI app mistakes potato chips
for gun, so cops swarm puzzled teenager. |
|
||||||
|
Equality (econ/social) |
4% |
600 |
10/23/25 |
+0.1% |
11/5/25 |
665.06 |
665.73 |
Children cheer as lost Dr. Seuss book discovered, |
|
||||||
|
Health |
4% |
600 |
10/23/25 |
nc |
11/5/25 |
420.50 |
420.50 |
More women taking testosterone to maintain their sex
drive. Unwanted side effect”
beards. Sephora curling irons burn
users, Bacterial Neutrogena face wipes recalled, Hormel frozen chicken and
BBQ pork jerky both full of meal wire. Deli Express pulled (plastic) pork;
63K Tesla trucks with blinding headlights
Truckful of infected monkeys crashes in Mississippi, 3 still at
large. |
|
||||||
|
Freedom
and Justice |
3% |
450 |
10/23/25 |
-0.1% |
11/5/25 |
482.57 |
482.09 |
After billion dollar deal in Trump bitcoins,
cryptocrook Zhou pardoned. NY AyGee
Letiticia James demands dismissal because Lindsay Halligan is not a career
prosecutor. States accused of selling
DMV data to brokers (who then sell it to criminals) while scammers merch
mail-order bouncy houses that never arrive to sad children, teacher gets 180
years for sex with sadder children and angry 6 year old arrested for shooting
teacher. |
|
||||||
|
CULTURAL
and MISCELLANEOUS INCIDENTS |
(6%) |
|
|
|
|
|
|||||||||
|
Cultural
incidents |
3% |
450 |
10/23/25 |
-0.1% |
11/5/25 |
571.13 |
570.56 |
Taylor Swift nominated for Songwriters’ Hall of
Fame; Bad Bunny wins Latin Awards as fans and haters argue his Superbowl
halftime hero. Sequels abound: George
Clooney in “Ocean’s Fourteen”, Pirates, Miami Vice, Thomas Crown and on and
on. Dodgers win on and on 18 inning
game three, but Toronto takes the next two and a 3-2 lead. RIP: June
Lockhart (“Lassie”. “Lost in Spacee”) at 100, drummer Jack DeJohhnette. NFL’s Nick Mangold (41), Isabel Tate
(“Nashville 911”) at only 23. Cody “Beef” Franke “Barstool” golf influencer at
31. R(etire)IP:
Misty Copeland, first black ballerina; |
|
||||||
|
Miscellaneous
incidents |
4% |
450 |
10/23/25 |
-0.1% |
11/5/25 |
543.94 |
543.40 |
Mother of abandoned Penn Station baby found,
arrested. Jim Morrison (not the dead
one) skis down Everest. World traveler
KAG to face deported on Halloween – Liberia now. “Chuknasaurus” wins Texas fat squirrel
contest |
|
||||||
|
|
|
||||||||||||||
The Don Jones Index for the week of October 23rd through
October 29th, 2025 was
UP 5.12 points
The Don Jones Index is sponsored by the Coalition for a New Consensus:
retired Congressman and Independent Presidential candidate Jack “Catfish”
Parnell, Chairman; Brian Doohan, Administrator.
The CNC denies, emphatically, allegations that the organization, as well
as any of its officers (including former Congressman Parnell,
environmentalist/America-Firster Austin Tillerman and cosmetics CEO Rayna
Finch) and references to Parnell’s works, “Entropy and Renaissance” and “The
Coming Kill-Off” are fictitious or, at best, mere pawns in the web-serial
“Black Helicopters” – and promise swift, effective legal action against parties
promulgating this and/or other such slanders.
Comments, complaints, donations (especially SUPERPAC donations) always
welcome at feedme@generisis.com or: speak@donjonesindex.com.
ATTACHMENT ONE – FROM
A1X01 FROM DAYOFTHEDEAD.holiday
One time a
year, our departed come back to celebrate with us
A
dedication to the deceased
Day of the
Dead (Dia De Los Muertos) is a two day holiday that reunites the living and
dead. Families create ofrendas (Offerings) to honor their departed family
members that have passed. These altars are decorated with bright yellow
marigold flowers, photos of the departed, and the favorite foods and drinks of the
one being honored. The offerings are believed to encourage visits from the land
of the dead as the departed souls hear their prayers, smell their foods and
join in the celebrations!
Day of the
Dead is a rare holiday for celebrating death and life. It is unlike any holiday
where mourning is exchanged for celebration.
“Day of
the Dead is a holiday to remember loved ones by sharing a meal with them as one
would when they were alive.”
QUESTIONS
and ANSWERS...
When is
the Day of the Dead?
🌙Nov
1st, 12am
Dia de los Angelitos
Spirits of
the children
Dia de los
Angelitos (Day of the little angels) starts the holiday at midnight on Nov 1st,
where the spirits of all deceased children are believed to be reunited with
their families for 24 hours. Families construct an altar, known as an ofrenda,
with the departed child’s favorite snacks, candies, toys, and photographs to
encourage a visit from their departed children. The names of the departed children
will often be written on a sugar skull.
🌙Nov
2nd, 12am
Día de los Difuntos
Spirits of
the adults
At midnight
of the following day (November 2nd), the celebrations shift to honor the lives
of the departed adults. The night is filled with laughter and fun memories,
much like the night before. However, the Ofrendas take on a more adult-like
theme with tequila, pan de muerto, mezcal, pulque and jars of Atole. Families
will also play games together, reminisce about their loved ones, and dance
while the village band plays in their town.
☀️Nov
2nd, Noon
Día de los Muertos
Spirits of
all the dead
The next
day is the grand finale and public celebration of Dia de Muertos. In more
recent times, people come together in their cities, dressed up with Calavera
painted faces (Skeletons) and have parades in the streets. Cemetery visits are
also common on the last day as families will go to decorate the grave sites
with Marigold flowers, gifts, and sugar skulls with the departed’s name on
them. It’s customary to clean the grave stone and restore the color.
How people
celebrateDay of the Dead
Sugar Skull art,
coloring pages, and more!
Calaveras
“Skull”
Calaveras
are ubiquitous during Day of the Dead. The skulls are often drawn with a smile
as to laugh at death itself. They take many forms such as sugar candies, clay
decorations, and most memorable: face painting. Sugar skulls are decorated and
placed on ofrendas of loved ones. A Calavera, or sugar skull, is a decorative
skulls made (usually by hand) from either sugar (called Alfeñiques) or clay
which are used in the Mexican celebration of the Day of the Dead.
How
to Celebrate Day of the Dead in the US
Flor de
MuertoMexican Marigolds
Marigolds
are believed to be the pathways that guide the spirits to their ofrendas. The
flower’s vibrant colors and scent attract the departed souls, as they return to
feast on their favorite foods. They are called “Flor de Muerto” (Spanish for
Flower of Dead) and they symbolize the beauty and fragility of life. Marigold
flowers include around 60 annuals and perennials that are native to Mexico and
Central America.
Day of the Dead foods you must try!
What
happens on Day Of The Dead?
Day of the Dead
celebrations in Mexico City
The symbolism behind the flowers
Ofrenda“Offering” Learn how to make an
Ofrenda
While the
most recognizable aspects of Day of the Dead are the representations of skulls
and skeletons, the tradition that holds the most meaning is the Ofrenda
(Spanish for offering). The Ofrenda is what the whole celebration is about;
it’s a collection of offerings dedicated to the person being honored.
A brightly
colored Oilcloth covers the table and on top of that sits a collection of
photographs and personal items of the departed person. The lower portion of the
altar is where the offerings are placed, from traditional Mexican cuisine to
other items that represent the honored person’s particular tastes.
Fun facts
about Day of the Dead
1. Day of the dead is not Halloween
Day of the
Dead is not the “Mexican Halloween” like it is sometimes mistaken to be because
of the timing of the year. The two holidays originated with similar afterlife
beliefs but are very different in modern day. Halloween began as a Celtic
Festival where people would light bonfires and wear costumes to ward off ghosts
but has recently turned into a tradition of costume wearing and
trick-or-treating. Decorating your house with spiders and bats and wearing
scary costumes is not done in most parts of Mexico.
2. It’s not somber but celebratory
Many of us
see death as a sad event but those who celebrate Day of the Dead view death as
a welcomed part of life. That is why you will see brightly colored skeletons
and skulls everywhere during the holiday. They often are seen smiling, as a
friendly nod to death, even mocking death. This view of death began way back
during the one month Aztec festival where they celebrated the dead and paid
homage to the lady of death, Mictlancíhuatl, who protected their departed loved
ones and helped them in the afterlife.
3. Traditions are different by Country
Believe it
or not, Mexicans are not the only ones to celebrate Day of the Dead. It is a
widely celebrated holiday all over the world. In fact, many religious communities
celebrate All Souls Day (also known as All Saints Day) during the same time as
Day of the Dead. The act of honoring the dead is widely celebrated around the
world but Day of the Dead is unique in its traditions: the ofrenda, the meaning
of life and death, the use of calaveras, the style influenced by La Catrina,
and more recently, the festivals in the streets.
Our dead
are never dead to us until we have forgotten them.
A2
X12 FROM COMMINFO.RUTGERS
How Dia De
Los Muertos (Day of the Dead) Festivities in the U.S. Connect to Questions of
Power, Identity, History, Inclusion, and Resistance
October 8,
2025
According
to Rutgers research, Day of the Dead in the U.S. "emerged as a form of
resistance to dominant power structures and narratives based on histories of
colonization, racism, sexism, and other forms of injustice."
October
has arrived, and across the U.S., stores selling Halloween merchandise are also
stocking their shelves with Dia de los Muertos (Day of the Dead) decorations,
such as plastic marigold garlands and manufactured sugar skulls painted in
joyful pinks, blues, yellows, and greens.
While most
Americans are likely accustomed to seeing the colorful Day of the Dead
decorations, many are probably unaware of how Dia de los Muertos evolved into a
popular holiday in the U.S., both as a spiritual and cultural celebration, as
well as a lucrative commercial one.
"For
Chicano artists in the 1970s, celebrating an indigenous Mexican ritual in an
Anglo-dominant country was an act of political resistance as well as an act of
cultural pride," said Professor of Journalism and Media Studies Regina Marchi, author of the award-winning book "Day of the Dead in the USA: The
Migration and Transformation of a Cultural Phenomenon, published by
Rutgers University Press (2009; 2022).
Questioneers from the Rutgers School of Communication and Information (SC&I) spoke with Marchi to learn more about the historic, cultural, and political significance of Day of the Dead in the U.S.
SC&I: Why has celebrating the Day of the Dead become so popular across the U.S. over the past 50 years, particularly with non-Latino populations? Do you think it may one day be celebrated as widely as Halloween
RM: I’ve actually asked hundreds of people the same question. The answer I get is usually the same. Besides the colorful nature of the holiday, with its bright orange marigolds and multi-colored “papel picado” decorations, and besides the fascination people have with sugar skulls, deep down, many people in the U.S. are drawn to the idea of having an annual event to collectively honor deceased loved ones. People enjoy creating home altars or community altars to remember loved ones who have passed away. It can be very cathartic, and a way of communicating about family and community histories. It can be grounding, since thinking about the inevitability of death actually makes people appreciate life more. I think Day of the Dead is on the way to being almost as widely known as Halloween, given that celebrations now happen in all 50 states.
SC&I: In your book, you explain that U.S. Day of the Dead celebrations are inspired by indigenous Mexican traditions, but the holiday has very different meanings for Mexican communities in the US. What are the differences?
RM: The late 1960s and 1970s was a period of radical political activism around the world. In the US, there was the Black civil rights movement, the American Indian movement, the women’s rights movement, the anti-Vietnam War movement, and others. A lot of social change was happening! Ethnic and racial groups who had lived for generations as stigmatized minorities were tired of being treated as second-class citizens vis-à-vis the mainstream Anglo-American population. They had always been told to assimilate in order to become “real” Americans and were made to feel ashamed of their ethnicity or race.
That changed when many young Americans in the 1970s
travelled back to their families’ ancestral countries – Italy, Mexico, Ghana,
and so forth – to rediscover cultural practices, languages, and histories they
hadn’t learned growing up in the US. The term Chicano is a
self-identifying term used by Mexican Americans who are politically active in
social justice issues. While it
had roots in the 1930s, the Chicano Movement really took off in the 1970s (and
continues today). It emerged to confront decades of racism in California and
the Southwest, where people of Mexican ancestry had long faced segregation in
schools, housing, employment, and restaurants as well as harassment and
violence. The Chicano
Movement was a political movement for equal rights, but it was also a cultural
movement that proudly reclaimed Mexican traditions. Celebrating the Day of the
Dead was part of that, and my book discusses this process of
cultural adoption and transformation. Celebrating an indigenous Mexican ritual
in an Anglo-dominant country was an act of political resistance as well as an
act of cultural pride.
SC&I: Today, your book remains one of the few scholarly publications to explain how the rise of Day of the Dead celebrations in the United States emerged as part of Chicano Movement activism. How did this history unfold?
RM: In the 1970s, Chicano artists
who were born and grew up in the US were interested in reclaiming
and celebrating their indigenous Mexican roots. They were tired of the whitewashing of US
history. For decades, if Mexican culture was commemorated in the US at all, it
was usually the Spanish part of Mexican identity, flamenco dancing, bull
fighting, or paella, not indigenous Mesoamerican rituals. So, Chicanos
travelled to rural Mexico and brought indigenous traditions to the US via the mediums of visual art,
public altar installations, street processions, craft workshops, Aztec danza and
other community events. They celebrated Day of the Dead in ways that
almost nobody in the US, including most Mexican Americans, had heard of at that
time. Only indigenous migrants from central and southern Mexico (who were rare
in the US back then) would have practiced elaborate Day of the Dead
altar-making traditions. (The US didn't get large migrations from Oaxaca and
other heavily indigenous Mexican states until the late 1980s, 1990s, and
onwards.)
Based on
ethnographic observation, interviewing and news analysis over a period of 20
years, my research tells the story of how Chicano artists created the first
public, secular Day of the Dead celebrations in the US in 1972. Since then,
Chicano renditions of Day of the Dead have recirculated to Mexico, affecting
how Día de los Muertos is celebrated there. For example, Chicano artists in Los Angeles began
painting their faces like skeletons during Day of the Dead processions in the
mid 1970s, fusing aspects of Halloween with Day of the Dead. This was not
previously done in Mexico, but by the late 1990s and 2000s, urban Mexicans were
doing this too. Skull face painting is now a major aspect of the celebration in
both countries. You never used to see this in indigenous Mexican villages, but
with social media, particularly after the 2014-2017 release of popular
Hollywood movies like Coco, The Book of Life, and Spectre (which
have Day of the Dead themes and characters in “skull face”), you now see skull
face painting all over Mexico, including in remote indigenous villages.
In my book, I discuss the power of social media and film in the global spread
of cultural practices.
SC&I: You've written that the holiday also provides an example of "the communicative capacity of public cultural rituals in identity construction, community building, education, and political protest." Why is this the case, and why is it important for SC&I students and the American public to understand this?
RM: Public
celebrations are always about more than just the stated reason for
celebrating. They are ritual opportunities to strengthen the community,
reinforce collective identities and values, and reclaim public space to gain
wider recognition. For communities that have been marginalized, this is
especially important, and these celebrations serve as a form of ritual
communication that has new meanings in new contexts.
In the case of ethnic celebrations taking place in
the US, these are often important not only for building community but also for
expressing political messages. Many Chicano Day of the Dead altar exhibitions have drawn
attention to the millions of unnecessary deaths that disproportionately occur
to minoritized, low-income people of color, whether because of unsafe working
conditions, environmental injustice, violence, war, lack of investment in their
communities, or diseases like COVID, which disproportionately devastated Black
and Brown populations. Each
year, around the country, hundreds of Day of the Dead altars are created in
memory of people who died because of sociopolitical issues such as gun
violence, police brutality, or hate crimes committed against immigrants, women,
or LGBT populations.
It’s
important to understand these dynamics because while official state-supported
holidays such as Thanksgiving or the 4th of July serve to promote national
unity or patriotism, grassroots commemorations such as indigenous celebrations, pride parades, or
Juneteenth, have emerged as forms of resistance to dominant power structures
and historical narratives based on colonization, racism, sexism and other forms
of injustice. Thus, with MAGA, anti-american
Understanding
the political dimensions of public cultural celebrations helps us see beyond
surface-level festivity to understand deeper questions of power, identity,
history, inclusion, and resistance, which ultimately helps
promote critical thinking and respectful engagement with diverse cultures
and histories.
See more info and photographs at
the Rutgers School of Communication and Information website.
Photos:
Courtesy of Regina Marchi
A3X11 FROM CHARGER.BULLETIN (NEW HAVEN, CT)
Donald Trump proclaims Day of Remembrance for Americans killed by
“Illegal Aliens,” (same day as Día De Los Muertos)
Cameron Hailey,
Staff Writer| November 16, 2020 Reprinted Thursday, October 23, 2025
On Oct. 30, Pres. Donald Trump released a proclamation for a new national Remembrance Day to take place on Nov. 1, which would focus on Americans killed by “illegal aliens” and concentrating on border security.
This remembrance day is on the same day as Día de Los Muertos, a holiday observed by Mexico and regions in the U.S. and abroad with Mexican populations. The holiday is about celebrating life rather than death for those who have lost their loved ones.
The holiday is primarily celebrated by the people targeted in Trump’s words. Undocumented immigrants make up a small percentage of the U.S. population, about 3.2 percent. Although there is no official tracker of crimes committed by the population, the number was falsely claimed to be higher than 10,000.
The proclamation went into detail over the deportation, particularly to the southern border. The statement was a message to bolster the president’s “Law and Order” rhetoric from his campaign, increasing the number of national guard personnel and his goal of building a wall.
The Biden administration says its border priorities are, “Addressing the Trump-created humanitarian crisis at our border, bringing our nation together, reasserting our core values, and reforming our immigration system will require real leadership and real solutions.”
The Trump administration has yet to comment on the proclamation since its release on Oct. 30.
@ ICE
@ DEAD
gumment
A4X21 FROM TANGLE
Today’s topic.
The latest
on the government shutdown. On Tuesday, the federal government shutdown entered its 21st day,
with Republican and Democratic lawmakers at an impasse over a deal to reopen
the government. The shutdown is now the longest full government shutdown in
U.S. history; only the 35-day partial funding lapse in 2018–2019 lasted longer.
On Monday, the Senate failed to pass a
GOP-backed funding bill for the 11th time.
Back
up: On October 1, federal funding lapsed, halting some government services
and suspending pay to many federal employees. The Senate failed to reach the
60-vote threshold required to pass a stopgap funding bill to keep the
government open, with Democrats pushing for a permanent extension of temporary
Affordable Care Act subsidies set to expire at the end of the year. Republicans
have maintained that health subsidy negotiations should be held only after the
government reopens.
We
covered the beginning of the shutdown here.
Services
designated as essential — such as air traffic control and federal law
enforcement — remain operational during the shutdown. However, many other
government functions have been paused or disrupted, and federal agencies have
begun furloughing workers
or asking employees to work without immediate pay. On Monday, the National
Nuclear Security Administration, which is responsible for overseeing and
modernizing the U.S. nuclear stockpile, announced it would
furlough most of its staff. Separately, the Administrative Office of the U.S.
Courts said the shutdown
would begin to affect its operations this week, and the Supreme Court will be
closed to the public due to resource limitations.
In
addition to the furloughs, the Trump administration has sought to lay off
thousands of federal workers during the shutdown as part of its ongoing efforts
to reduce the size of the government. On Wednesday, White House Budget Director
Russell Vought suggested that over
10,000 jobs could be cut, saying, “We want to be very aggressive where we can
be in shuttering the bureaucracy, not just the funding.” However, also on
Wednesday, a federal judge temporarily barred the
administration from carrying out planned layoffs, then extended the order to
a broader group of unionized federal workers on Friday. The judge suggested that the
Trump administration was “fir[ing] line-level civilian employees during a
government shutdown as a way to punish the opposing political party.”
Separately,
Vought has paused billions in
funding for projects in mostly Democratic-led cities, calling them
“lower-priority projects” that may be canceled outright. The Office of
Management and Budget director has also frozen or canceled infrastructure- and
climate-related projects in major cities, drawing criticism from Democratic
lawmakers.
Today, we’ll cover the latest on the shutdown, with views from the left and right. Then, my take.
What the left is saying.
Many on
the left contend that Democrats should broaden the shutdown fight to address
Trump’s abuses of executive power.
Some note that the shutdown has accelerated Trump’s efforts to cut the federal workforce.
Others say the politics of the shutdown are considerably different from past instances.
In The
American Prospect, David Dayen argued “to win the shutdown, Democrats need
a big switch.”
“In
public, this is just a fight about a looming health care cliff, using the
leverage of needing Democratic votes (at least under current Senate rules) to
pass government funding to demand that Republicans avert a crisis of millions
of people losing their insurance coverage or seeing the price of it double,”
Dayen wrote. “In private, this is a fight about extreme executive power and
autocracy, with Democrats demanding that any government funding they pass must
actually be spent, not withheld or rescinded. A No Kings Budget, in other
words.”
“If
there’s a way to switch this out, to make the need for No Kings (which is quite
popular) the primary focal point of the shutdown fight, Democrats have a better
chance of getting out of this with something,” Dayen said. “But you don’t want
to drop the health care conversation entirely — there really is a risk of
millions of people losing insurance when enhanced Affordable Care Act subsidies
expire in December, and people in Republican districts will be
disproportionately hurt, raising stakes that White House officials are keenly
aware of, even if they won’t admit it in public.”
In The Los
Angeles Times, Jackie Calmes wrote “this is Trump’s shutdown. But he’s
been dismantling the government all year.”
“Trump has
been dismantling many of the government’s domestic programs for nine months,
with an abandon that disregards federal laws and the Constitution’s separation
of powers, as numerous lower-court judges have found (only to be temporarily
checked by the Trump-friendly Supreme Court),” Calmes said. “Even America’s
foreign rivals and enemies couldn’t have conceived of a more shockingly self-defeating
course than the one its commander in chief has his nation on — targeting
education from pre-K through postgraduate studies, scientific and medical
research, public health and general healthcare, clean energy, community
development and so much more.”
“Yet even
Trump & Co. have had to tacitly admit, repeatedly, they’ve gone too far.
They’ve called back some targeted federal employees or sought new hires for the
Internal Revenue Service, the National Weather Service and the Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention, among others,” Calmes wrote. “Democrats are
right to demand that Republicans support continued healthcare subsidies before
Democrats vote to reopen the government. But the ongoing shutdown is at least
as valuable for drawing Americans’ attention to the de facto Trump shutdown
that predates it, and that unfortunately will outlast it.”
In
Bloomberg, Matthew Yglesias explored “what makes this shutdown so
different.”
“This
shutdown has a different dynamic. The public is displeased with both sides’
behavior, but on balance tends to put slightly more blame on Republicans than
Democrats. That means President Donald Trump has strong incentives to minimize the
visible pain of the shutdown,” Yglesias said. “More consequentially, Trump
isn’t letting a lack of authorized funds stop him from paying the troops or
even maintaining the WIC program for pregnant women and young children. The
legality of these moves is questionable. The White House is essentially daring
Democrats to sue, in which case they would be responsible for the lack of
military pay. But Democrats aren’t taking the bait.”
“Leaving aside the dubious legality of all this, politically this is not the usual form of pressure found in the shutdown playbook. The senators Trump is hitting by cutting funding to blue states are not the vulnerable frontliners who might be coerced into caving. They’re safe-seat Democrats whose constituents would rebel if they backed down. Trump, as is often the case, is more interested in punishing his foes than in winning an argument,” Yglesias wrote. “For now, there simply isn’t meaningful pressure on either the White House or Senate Democrats to cave. The result is a standoff that, unless Republicans choose to resolve it on their own, could persist for a long, long time.”
What the right is saying.
The right
says Democrats’ shutdown strategy is a losing proposition.
Some argue Republicans should hold firm on not extending ACA subsidies.
Others say the shutdown is revealing parts of the government that should be permanently cut.
In
Newsweek, Josh Hammer said “Democrats still haven’t learned any
lessons.”
“Senate
Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) defended his caucus's latest vote,
opining, ‘It's always been unacceptable to Democrats to do the defense bill
without other bills that have so many things that are important to the American
people in terms of health care, in terms of housing, in terms of safety.’ But
to most Americans, such tendentious bloviating falls on deaf ears,” Hammer
wrote. “Most commonsense Americans understand that there is no reason paying
America's warriors should be held hostage to arcane debates over housing
policy.”
“Democrats
seem to be unable to avoid tripping all over themselves… Illegal immigration
and gender radicalism are perhaps the two least popular issues right now for
Democrats. Yet they are arguably the two issues most at the forefront of the
current Beltway standoff — or at least the debate over the scope of taxpayer
funding is,” Hammer said. “A rational political party interested in
self-preservation and electoral success would certainly take a different
approach. Such a party would ditch the post-2008 obsession with identity
politics and wokeism and revert to the Clinton-era message of economic growth
and cultural centrism.”
In USA
Today, Dace Potas argued “Republicans have the perfect chance
to stop wasting your money on the ACA.”
“Republican
leadership remains unwilling to negotiate until the government is reopened.
However, there has been some openness within the Republican ranks to extend the
Obamacare subsidies for another year,” Potas wrote. “That's something
Republicans should refuse. Not only can America not afford to continue
subsidizing a failing health care plan, but it is the right political decision
as well. It should be an easy choice.
“Health
insurance premiums have skyrocketed since the passage of the Affordable Care
Act in 2010. This rise in premiums can be chiefly attributed to the flurry of
regulations imposed on health insurance companies under the ACA. Guaranteed
issue and community rating regulations are expensive regulations that have
driven up the cost of health care,” Potas said. “Democrats are right that
people will lose health care, but the cost of keeping the enhanced subsidies
far outweighs that downside. However, the existing subsidies under the base
contents of the ACA, which will remain in place regardless of the outcome of
this political fight, are still rather generous.”
In The
Wall Street Journal, Daniel Huff wrote “government shutdown? No, an
efficiency audit.”
“Since
1981, four major shutdowns have generated data about what government actually
needs to function. Furlough rates have ranged from about 15% to 40%. The
current 2025 shutdown sits at the low end, suggesting agencies have broadened
their understanding of operational minimums,” Huff said. “Shutdowns let
Congress run an experiment it would ordinarily never attempt: Close the whole
thing down and see what breaks. This is what Elon Musk did at Twitter. He fired
80% of the staff, watched what broke, and restored only what proved necessary.”
“This approach—furlough broadly, identify failures, restore specific functions—is vastly more efficient than conventional budget cutting… For example, the fiscal 2014 shutdown generated data on which services generated outcry when suspended (national parks), which created safety risks (fewer inspections by the Food and Drug Administration), and which caused surprisingly little disruption,” Huff wrote. “Each funding impasse has collectively produced the world’s largest organizational efficiency study. Not a simulation or theoretical analysis, but a real-world test of which positions government can function without.”
My take.
This
shutdown lacks a clear centerpiece issue — instead, it’s a standoff over power.
Neither Republicans nor Democrats are pressing to end the shutdown, and neither has a solution for runaway spending.
I’m afraid this won’t end until it starts to drastically impact the public.
Executive
Editor Isaac Saul: Nothing about this shutdown feels normal.
Perhaps
most importantly, there is no real centerpiece issue here. In 2018, the
shutdown was about Trump’s demand to fund a
border wall. In 2013, it was over the Affordable
Care Act (ACA). In 1995, it was about cuts to Medicare and
education demanded by Newt Gingrich.
What is
this shutdown about? Democrats want to make it about healthcare, but the
shutdown really isn’t about healthcare. It’s about power — it’s the Ezra Klein argument that
Democrats need to stand up and fight back against Trump because funding a
government operating the way his government is operating is no longer tenable.
Republicans wanted to make the debate about Democrats trying to “fund
healthcare for illegal immigrants,” but that story is misleading to the point of
fabrication.
Now,
Republicans have all but abandoned that argument and pivoted to the idea
that they are the party of healthcare and are trying to reopen the government
while Democrats refuse to. Truthfully, though, Republicans are fine if the
government remains shut down — because President Trump doesn't care if the
government remains shut down.
Which
brings me to the second odd thing about this standoff: Nobody seems interested
in actually reopening the government. There are no urgent meetings between the
president and the House Speaker. Congress is not convening to find a solution.
Democratic politicians feel their base is behind them, including the affected
government workers. And why not? The threat of layoffs is not so harrowing
given that Trump clearly doesn’t need the pretext of a shutdown to fire people,
instead inviting DOGE and OMB to slash government staff. At least now Democrats
can tell those government workers and their constituents they are fighting
back.
Many
Republicans, meanwhile, view the shutdown as a live audit, an
opportunity to purge government employees and programs that they see as
extraneous. If you’re quiet enough, you can hear Russ Vought rubbing
his hands together. Of course, Republicans would be pivoting if it were
politically advantageous; but they think they’ll win the messaging war the
longer the shutdown goes on, and with Trump’s bullhorn they may be right.
The third
unusual thing about this shutdown is that something specific has actually brought
us to this point, and almost nobody is talking about it. It isn’t Trump being a
fascist. It isn’t Democrats trying to subsidize healthcare for immigrants here
illegally. It’s much more mundane: It’s that shutdowns are always about funding
the government, and our current government funding is totally
unsustainable. The Washington Post editorial board is one of the few places I’ve
seen pointing out this dynamic explicitly.
Remember:
The Affordable Care Act, however well intended and popular, is still not affordable for the
government. During the pandemic, President Joe Biden and
congressional Democrats passed a massive expansion of emergency subsidies to
support healthcare programs like the ACA. Those “emergency” subsidies for
healthcare, student loan forgiveness, and food stamps were supposed to be
temporary, but — as is typical — if voters acclimate to a government benefit,
that program becomes much harder to cut. This has been the traditional conservative
argument: These won’t be temporary. In this case, that
argument was right. Congress massively expanded its spending during the
pandemic without an accompanying funding mechanism, and it has not undone those
expansions.
Meanwhile,
Trump came into office with a dire fiscal situation that needed to be resolved
by some combination of raising taxes or cutting federal costs. Instead, he
tried to pass off the job of fiscal responsibility to DOGE — but that
initiative was a farce that extended maximum pain onto government employees and
axed overseas programs for little more than table scraps. The $20 billion Argentina bailout Trump
just approved costs roughly double the combined savings from all of DOGE’s cuts
(roughly $1.4 billion)
and Congress’s $8 billion USAID funding
cut.
As we keep
saying, in order to seriously cut the budget the government has to reduce
spending in Social Security, healthcare, and defense. The president hasn’t
touched the first two, and he continues to approve historically large military
spending bills — all while the Pentagon remains incapable of even passing an audit. Then, on
the other side of the coin, Trump has extended tax cuts from his first term
that were also meant to be temporary.
So, here
we are: $37.9 trillion in debt; no plan to pay for the most popular, important
or expensive government programs; and nothing to do but to try to distract
voters into hating the other side on fabricated or irrelevant grounds.
Frustratingly
— infuriatingly — none of that has anything to do with ending this
shutdown. For that, we’ll have to see when Americans start to really feel pain
and who they’ll blame it on. Ultimately, Democrats are the ones holding up a
funding CR for their demands; their biggest pain point in the past may have
been when food assistance programs and health service for seniors started to
run dry. Today, though, more of their base is wealthy and highly educated. It’s
a crude political calculation, but this shift may make Democrats more tolerant
of these issues than they had been in the past. Conversely, a lot of
Republicans are sounding the alarm about this coming
cliff — and in a relatively new development, it might be more
politically perilous for Republicans if these entitlement checks stop
flowing.
Instead,
the biggest pain point of this shutdown for Democrats may be when the lack of
normal operations starts to impact day-to-day life. Thanksgiving week will be a
key test — how chaotic and broken can U.S. airports get with limited TSA and
air traffic control staff? And how tolerant will Democrats be of such a public
mess when they can reopen the government with a vote at any time?
For Trump
and Republicans, the biggest pain points are already arriving, but the
president is trying to find ways to mitigate them. When military pay was
supposed to freeze last week, Trump took unconstitutional (read: illegal)
action to keep checks flowing to active duty soldiers. Republican senators
described the move as varying degrees of “inappropriate,” but none seemed eager
to take back the power of the purse; meanwhile, Democrats are unwilling to take
legal action to hold the president accountable for paying military personnel.
And in the end, I doubt many Americans noticed or cared (except for active-duty
soldiers and their families, whom I presume are quite relieved).
The
president seems keen to use a similar process to restart loans for struggling
farmers (who are being hit hard by his tariffs) or keep other politically
popular programs alive. Basically, the government is shut
down, but the party in power is finding emergency funding to make it all a bit
less painful for their favored constituents.
It’s
anyone’s guess what happens now. We’re barrelling toward the longest shutdown
in U.S. history. Republicans have a governing trifecta but also can’t move the
ball without Democratic votes, and seem keen to sit tight. They’re displaying a
sort of governing-by-breaking-it attitude, best exemplified by Trump but now
expressed by the party wholesale. Meanwhile, Democrats have the strength of
their healthcare argument (“costs go up if nothing is done”), but conveniently
have no plan to pay for the billions in funding that, four years ago, was sold
to the public as emergency and temporary.
Truthfully,
my best guess is we see little to no movement until the problems become
untenable for the public. It’ll take nightmarish travel delays, disappearing
food stamps, impossibly long waits to resolve healthcare snafus, and reports of
degraded military readiness before anyone comes back to the table. And then,
unfortunately, we’ll have to wait for Congress to actually agree on
something.
Staff
dissent — Managing Editor Ari Weitzman: Isaac is leaving out one major power
player in his discussion: House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-LA). Isaac is right to
remind us that funding shutdowns are always about funding, but the
person whose job it is to shepherd the appropriations process is the Speaker of
the House. When he first took the gavel, Johnson said he’d bring fiscal
responsibility to that process. The House still does not issue periodic funding
as Johnson said it would, and it still can only get one omnibus spending bill
that can pass the Senate out a year, leaving partisans in a permanent battle
over what to remove from a permanently underfunded budget. As I said in “My
take” when we initially covered the
government shutdown, Johnson didn’t invent House dysfunction, but he did say
he’d help to resolve it. He decidedly has not.
A5X22
FROM TIME
Oct 21,
2025 4:15 PM ET
Trump and Senate Republicans Stage Rose Garden Show of Unity as Shutdown Ties For Second Longest
By Nik
Popli
President
Donald Trump invited nearly every Republican senator to the White House on
Tuesday for what was billed as a “Rose Garden Club” lunch. It quickly became a
rallying display of party unity as the government shutdown entered its
fourth week with no end in sight.
Gathered
under yellow umbrellas on the newly-built White House patio, senators dined on
cheeseburgers, fries, and “Rose Garden chocolates” while Trump praised his
budget chief, mocked Democrats, and insisted Republicans were “doing the right
thing” by holding firm.
“This is
the fourth week of the Democrat shutdown, but we are all here today because
your Republican team in the Senate is unified,” Senate Majority Leader John
Thune said as the President nodded beside him. “Everybody here has voted now 11
different times to open up the government, and we are going to keep voting to
open up the government. Eventually, the Democrats, hopefully sooner or later,
are going to come around.”
Every
Republican Senator except Rand Paul of Kentucky (who said he wasn’t invited)
attended the event—a sign of how determined party leaders are to project
cohesion as polling shows more Americans blame them for the impasse. According
to a Reuters/Ipsos survey released
Monday, half of Americans say congressional Republicans are most responsible
for the shutdown, compared with 43% who blame Democrats.
Trump,
whose approval rating in the same poll ticked up slightly to 42%, appeared
eager to rally his party’s morale. “In a craven and pointless act of partisan
spite,” he said, “Chuck Schumer and the radical left Democrats are holding the
entire federal government hostage to appease extremists in their party.”
Schumer,
the Senate Democratic leader, dismissed the Rose Garden gathering as “a pep
rally” and blamed Republicans for not negotiating with his party over
extending Affordable Care Act subsidies that
are set to expire at the end of the year. “Republicans may not have time to fix
people's health care, but apparently they've got plenty of time for a mini pep
rally with Donald Trump,” he said on the Senate floor Tuesday.
Three
weeks into the standoff, Washington is settling into grim expectation that the
shutdown—which on Tuesday tied for the second longest in history—could easily
reach the one-month mark before any serious movement toward reopening the
government.
The impact
of the shutdown is being felt across the nation. Hundreds of thousands of
federal employees—including thousands of air traffic controllers—have been
furloughed or are working without pay. The National Nuclear Security
Administration has furloughed more than 1,000 specialists. States are warning
that programs such as Head Start and WIC—which provides nutrition assistance to
more than 40 million Americans—could run out of funding within weeks.
Read more: Will SNAP Benefits Be Delayed Due to the
Government Shutdown?
The
economic drag remains modest in national terms, but the human toll is mounting.
About one in five Americans say they have been financially affected by the
shutdown, while two in five know someone who has, according to the
Reuters/Ipsos poll.
Yet on
Capitol Hill, the standoff has only hardened. Trump and Republican leaders have
refused to negotiate on any other issues until Democrats agree to reopen the
government. Senate Democrats are continuing to block the House-passed
continuing resolution, or CR, until Republicans agree to extend Affordable Care
Act subsidies, which they say are critical to preventing premium hikes for
millions of Americans.
Republican
leaders had publicly predicted that
last Saturday’s massive “No Kings” protests—in which millions demonstrated
nationwide against Trump—would mark an inflection point and that Democrats
would compromise after the rallies. But the enormous turnout for the
largely peaceful demonstrations appeared to stiffen their resolve.
Some
lawmakers have begun discussing potential off-ramps, though none appear close.
One involves a short-term deal that would reopen the government while setting
up a vote on extending the ACA subsidies separately. Another would lengthen the
continuing resolution beyond the current Nov. 21 deadline—perhaps into December,
or even further—to buy time for broader negotiations.
But the
two sides remain far apart. “Plan B is open up the government,” Thune told
CNN Tuesday, arguing that Democrats should first agree to fund
the government before policy talks resume. Democrats counter that reopening
first would strip them of all leverage to secure the subsidies.
Even
within the GOP, the path forward is unclear. Speaker Mike Johnson has kept the
House in recess, saying his chamber did its job by passing a clean funding bill
last month. “Ninety-nine and a half percent of House Republicans understand
exactly what we’re doing,” Johnson said at a press conference Tuesday,
insisting that Democrats are “eating up the clock” for political advantage.
“The
American people would have an open government if Democrats were not terrified
of their radical base,” Johnson added. “The Democrats are not governing in good
faith—they’re covering their own tail.”
Republicans
are now debating how long a new stopgap might last if and when one can pass.
“We’re probably going to have to extend the CR date because the Democrats have
held us up for weeks now,” Senate Appropriations Chair Susan Collins, a Maine
Republican, told reporters Monday. “Having said that, I don’t want to go into
next year and I am adamantly opposed to having a long-term CR.”
For now,
the two parties remain locked in a familiar blame cycle.
“Donald
Trump should come to the negotiating table,” House Democratic Leader Hakeem
Jeffries said Tuesday. “Democrats have been very clear that we will sit down
with any of them, anytime, anyplace here at the Capitol or back at the White
House to reopen the government.”
Schumer
added that he and Jeffries reached out to Trump on Tuesday about setting up a
meeting to negotiate over the shutdown. Trump, meanwhile, seems content to let
the crisis drag on. At Tuesday’s lunch, he touted spending cuts his
Administration had made during the shutdown targeting Democratic
priorities.
“They've
really allowed us to do it,” Trump said of the cuts, which included the firings
of more than 4,100 workers at nearly half a dozen agencies earlier this month.
“Many of the things that they're cutting, like the New York Project, $20
billion we're cutting it. They're not going to get it back… Maybe we'll talk to
them about it. But they're losing all the things that they wanted.”
A6X23 Tangle cited David Dayen’s argument in The American
Prospect that “...this is a fight about extreme executive power and autocracy,
with Democrats demanding that any government funding they pass must actually be
spent, not withheld or rescinded. A No Kings Budget, in other words...” against
the risk of “millions of people (in red states, too) losing insurance when
enhanced Affordable Care Act subsidies expire in December.”
Dissenting voices in Newsweek (Illegal immigration and gender radicalism are perhaps the two least popular issues right now for Democrats) and USA Today blaming the rise in health insurance premiums more upon the “flurry of regulations imposed on health insurance companies under the ACA than on passing an ostensibly temporary Big Beautiful Budget.
In The
Wall Street Journal, Daniel Huff (no involvement with the HuffPost) wrote that
shutdowns “let Congress run an experiment it would ordinarily never attempt:
Close the whole thing down and see what breaks. This is what Elon Musk did at
Twitter. He fired 80% of the staff, watched what broke, and restored only what
proved necessary.”
Truthfully, Tangle founder and editor Isaac Saul concluded that “Republicans are fine if the government remains shut down — because President Trump doesn't care if the government remains shut down.” Nor do many Democrats, seeking optimum political optics, seem inclined to do anything but throw words at the crisis.
“Thanksgiving
week will be a key test — how chaotic and broken can U.S. airports get with
limited TSA and air traffic control staff?
And how tolerant will Democrats be of such a public mess,” Saul calls
out, “when they can reopen the government with a vote at any time?
Truthfully, my best guess is we see little to no movement until the problems become untenable for the public. It’ll take nightmarish travel delays, disappearing food stamps, impossibly long waits to resolve healthcare snafus, and reports of degraded military readiness before anyone comes back to the table. And then, unfortunately, we’ll have to wait for Congress to actually agree on something.
While ICE is freezing citizens and aliens alike, ordinary people are taking to the streets while those who actually have power to do so hide in the shadows.
A7@X15
FROM HERALD REVIEW ARIZONA
Why the government shutdown will be over by Halloween
By Matt Hickman matt.hickman@myheraldreview.co Oct 26, 2025
Top of Form
Bottom of Form
Q: Do you
think the Government Shutdown will be over before Nov. 1?
Bottom of Form
In Texas
Hold ‘em parlance, when a player, between their two cards and the five
community cards has the best hand possible, they are said to “have the nuts.”
When one
has the nuts, the first thing that player needs to remember is that their
opponents do not know that they have them. The strategy then becomes to “bleed
the pot,” to subtly trick your opponent into thinking they just might have the
better hand even though you know it’s impossible. You want them to fall under
the spell of the sunk cost fallacy, keep throwing good money after bad, and
ultimately to go “on tilt” until they’re “all-in” and then all out of chips.
In the congressional showdown that’s led to the
government shutdown that is now entering its 26th day, the Democrats have the
nuts and the Republicans are beginning to realize it. This is why the shutdown
will be over by Halloween.
Why
Halloween? Because on Nov. 1 the marketplace for Obamacare opens and 24 million
people who get their health insurance through the ACA will log in to discover their
premiums have suddenly doubled, due to the expiration of the tax credits in the
One Big Beautiful Bill. To make things worse for Republicans, 76 percent of
those who will suffer this sticker shock live in states that voted for Trump.
Why so
many in red states? Because the deepest red states like Texas, Alabama, Kansas
and Wyoming are the states that have declined — on ideological grounds — to
expand Medicaid under the ACA, leaving many lower income and self-employed
people reliant on the ACA marketplace, which they can only afford because of
the tax credit.
Republicans
have never hidden their distaste for Obamacare, promising to “repeal and
replace” it ever since 2010. In the build-up to the shutdown, House Speaker
Mike Johnson said Republicans were working on a plan to “fix” Obamacare, but if
they haven’t been able to come close to doing it in 15 years, they’re not going
to do it in five days.
This isn’t
the only hole in the OBBB, but it’s a big one, and it’s the first chicken to
come home to roost. Trump knows this. It’s why he said publicly that he’s open
to negotiating with Democrats on extending the tax credits, but not until they
stand down and re-open the government. This, in Texas Hold ‘em parlance, is
what is known as a "tell,” a change in mannerism or betting pattern that
lets an opponent know your hand is not as strong as you want them to think it
is.
Trump is
what is known in poker as a “blinds stealer,” a player who repeatedly bets way
too high based on the first two cards that are dealt. A blinds stealer is the
most maddening and least fun person at any table, betting two, three, five,
twenty times the big blind based on nothing but sheer bullying. Blinds stealers
seldom win in the long run, though, because eventually someone gets a really good
hand they can’t be bullied out of and the blinds stealer loses all the chips he
won pre-flop, and then some.
A blinds
stealer is not to be confused with a “bluffer.” A bluffer isn’t a bully. A
bluffer is trying to take mathematics out of the game and replace it with
psychology.
As blinds
stealers go, Trump is a very effective player. He’s so good at it, in fact,
he’s even got a nickname for it.
The term
TACO stands for Trump Always Chickens Out. It was coined by Wall Street
investors referring the President’s habit of making wild tariff threats — which
is textbook blinds stealing — and then quietly walking them back when the
consequences get too near and dear.
TACO was
meant as an insult, but it’s actually a vital and rare skill to have in poker;
to know how to push and push and push but then stop and fold just before you go
on tilt.
The
President is in Asia this week, giving pundits back home little hope that the
shutdown can be averted before the month’s end. But I think that actually makes
the promise of a deal all the more likely.
Trump
knows if he goes all the way on this hand and cards turn up, he’s going to lose
big-time. Trump hates to lose face, but if he can spin the narrative to make
himself look like the hero sacrificing for the good of the country, he’ll take
it.
Besides,
judging by his "tell" you know he wants to back down and extend the
tax credits, so why not, during a press conference in Singapore or Laos or
wherever the hell he’s going to be this week, say:
“I just
spoke with Speaker Johnson and told him to extend the ACA tax credits so we can
re-open the government immediately. The Democrats have held this country
hostage for too long. It needs to end so I’m going to end it. Very disappointed
in the Democrats, the way they want to hurt poor people for political gain.
They are very nasty. Nasty people. When I get back we are going to get to work
on fixing Obamacare and we’re going to make it better. It will be so good
people will call it Trumpcare and they’ll love their Trumpcare so much. Trumpcare
will be so much better than Obamacare. That’s what all the people are going to
say…”
And that’s
all it takes.
Will they
ever actually get to work “fixing” the Affordable Care Act? Of course not, but
it doesn’t matter. Trump loses a hand he was going to lose anyway, but he gets
to save face as the hero doing what’s best for the country. Oh, and the
government reopens and 24 million people won't have to choose between health
coverage and rent.
All great
poker players will tell you some of the best hands they’ve ever played were
hands they folded.
A7
X91/46 FROM USA TODAY
Why
Americans behind on utility bills may freeze if shutdown doesn't end soon
by
Medora Lee
USA
TODAY
With
winter certainly coming but no clear path yet to ending the government shutdown,
states are sending out a SOS to keep millions of Americans from freezing soon.
The
National Energy Assistance Directors Association (NEADA), representing state
directors of the Low-Income Home Energy Assistance Program (LIHEAP), said last
week it's urging electric and gas utilities nationwide to immediately suspend
service disconnections for nonpayment until federal LIHEAP funds are released
and households regain access to financial assistance.
House
Rep. Don Beyer, D-Virginia, and 53 other representatives also penned a letter
to major utility companies to suspend late penalties and utility shutoffs for
federal employees and contractors while the government is closed. Environmental
nonprofit Sierra Club joined the pleas for utilities to keep the power on for
low-income Americans.
The
shutdown, which began Oct. 1 and is on pace to become the longest government
shutdown in U.S. history, has delayed the release of energy aid, leaving some
of the nation’s poorest families without the support they rely on to heat their
homes as colder weather approaches, NEADA said. At the same time, electricity
and natural gas prices have risen sharply, placing additional strain on already
stretched household budgets, it said.
"The
situation is really grim regarding (rising energy) pricing and availability of
LIHEAP funds," said Mark Wolfe, NEADA's executive director. "Even if
all goes well now, the earliest we will see funds will be December."
How
many Americans are behind on utility bills?
About
21 million households, or 1 in 6, are behind on their energy bills, NEADA data
showed. Since Dec. 31, 2023, household energy averages have risen by about 31%,
from approximately $17.5 billion to $23.0 billion by June 30, 2025.
Shutoffs
rose to 3.5 million in 2024 from 3.0 million the prior year, NEADA said.
Shutoffs are expected to continue rising as more Americans face soaring energy
costs they can't afford, it said. NEADA said 2025 could see potentially 4.0
million shutoffs.
Why
are more people falling behind on utility bills?
Energy
prices are soaring, with electricity bills climbing due to utility investment
in transmission and distribution systems, the cost of natural gas used to power
generation rising, and rapid growth in large data centers increasing
electricity demand. Through July, electricity prices rose 9.5%, outpacing
overall annual inflation of 3% in September, NEADA said.
NEADA
forecasts the average cost of home energy will increase 7.6% this winter, led
by a 10% jump in electricity costs to $1,205 from $1,093 a year ago. That's on
top of average summer bill prices reaching $776, the highest in at least 12
years, creating a strain on household budgets.
"No
family should be forced to choose between heat and food because of a federal
funding delay," Mark Wolfe, NEADA's executive director, said.
"Utilities must act in the public interest and pause shutoffs until
federal aid is available again."
Where
are the largest price increases?
Ten
states, plus the District of Columbia, averaged more than a 15% price jump in
electricity costs, with five states registering more than 20% increases,
between July 2024 and July this year. Americans in these states are seeing
monthly bill increases of between $25 and $41 per month.
Here
are the places with the largest percentage increases:
Illinois:
28.3%
Indiana:
25%
Ohio:
23.4%
Washington,
DC: 23%
New
Jersey: 20.6%
Massachusetts:
18.8%
Iowa:
17.4%
Missouri:
17.2%
Michigan:
15.9%
Virginia:
15.4%
Maine:
15%
Medora
Lee is a money, markets and personal finance reporter at USA TODAY.
A8 FROM TIME
Trump’s Campaign to Defund the Arts—and Rewrite History
By Andrew Weinstein
October is
National Arts n Humanities Month, a time normally reserved for celebrating the
creative and intellectual currents that enrich our nation. But this year, the
month began not with a celebration, but with a shutdown, the latest and most
jarring blow in the Trump Administration’s long-running war against American culture.
In August
2017, I and 15 of my colleagues on the President’s Committee on the Arts and
the Humanities made a not so difficult choice. In the wake of President Trump’s
shocking refusal to unequivocally condemn the neo-Nazis and white supremacists
in Charlottesville, we resigned. We wrote to the president that his support
for hate groups and the false equivalencies he pushed could not stand.
“Supremacy, discrimination, and vitriol are not American values,” our letter
stated. “Your values are not American values.”
We took
that step because to remain silent would have made us complicit in his hateful
rhetoric. We warned that his pattern of attacking art, the humanities, and the
free press was pushing our country “further away from the freedoms we are
guaranteed.” We feared what was to come.
We were
not wrong. What we witnessed then was a preview. What America is experiencing
now is the feature presentation, a systematic, full-frontal assault on our
nation’s cultural and intellectual life. This deliberate strategy is outlined
in the Heritage Foundation’s “Project 2025,” and is designed to replace our
diverse culture with a single, government-approved ideology.
The first
wave of this assault is a strategy of erasure through fiscal starvation. The
administration has moved to eliminate federal funding for the National Endowment for the Arts (NEA), the
National Endowment for the Humanities (NEH), and the Institute of Museum and
Library Services (IMLS)—the very backbone of our nation’s cultural
infrastructure. Active grants have been cruelly rescinded, leaving community
theaters, local museums, facing sudden funding gaps and uncertainty over expenses
for work already underway.
Now, with the government shutdown that began on October 1, this long-threatened starvation has become reality, forcing the closure of national museums and halting federal grant payments to cultural groups nationwide. The Corporation for Public Broadcasting, a lifeline for independent journalism and educational programming, especially in rural America, is being systematically dismantled.
The
second, more insidious wave is a strategy of institutional capture. The
president has installed himself as chair of the John F. Kennedy
Center for the Performing Arts, purging its bipartisan board, replacing it with
political loyalists. And last month he dissolved its entire Social Impact
division. The president now boasts of his personal involvement in selecting
honorees, rejecting those deemed “too woke” or “too liberal.” The Kennedy
Center is being transformed from a national stage for artistic excellence into
a political trophy.
In an even
more stunning move, on the very day the government shut down, the White
House fired 22 of the 26 members of the National Council
on the Humanities, the expert body that advises the NEH, leaving it without the
quorum required to conduct business and clearing the path for politically
motivated grant-making.
At the
same time, the Trump Administration has declared war on our nation’s memory.
Under the Orwellian banner of an executive order to “Restore
Truth and Sanity to American History,” the White House has launched a comprehensive review of the Smithsonian
Institution. Its stated goal is to purge our national museums of “divisive” or
“ideologically driven language”—code for any historical analysis that
critically examines issues of race or injustice. The chilling effect is already
palpable: in an act of protest, the acclaimed artist Amy Sherald recently
canceled her upcoming exhibition at the National Portrait Gallery, citing
censorship concerns.
The
president himself has complained that our museums focus too much on “how
bad slavery was.” Far from restoring sanity, these actions constitute a
state-mandated campaign of historical revisionism prompting the American
Alliance of Museums to issue a statement on the “growing threats of
censorship.”
This
sustained attack on our cultural institutions creates the conditions for overt
acts of censorship. The campaign to defund the arts, capture our museums, and
rewrite our history is a prelude to silencing dissent itself. By systematically
undermining the very fields that cultivate critical thinking and historical
consciousness, the Trump Administration could create a populace less able to
recognize the foundational principles of a free society when they come under
direct assault.
This is
not a uniquely American tragedy. It is the authoritarian playbook, page for page. When a
government dictates what art is acceptable, we hear the echoes of Nazi
Germany’s “Degenerate Art” exhibitions and the Soviet Union’s
doctrine of “Socialist Realism.” When a leader seizes control of
cultural institutions to enforce ideological conformity, we see a direct
parallel to the tactics of Viktor Orbán in Hungary.
Authoritarians
always target art first. They do so, because art and history are enemies of the
myths a regime needs to survive. They foster critical thought and reveal
uncomfortable truths that undermine nationalist propaganda. By silencing
artists and historians, a regime seeks to control not just the present, but the
past and the future as well.
In 2017,
we resigned because our conscience demanded it. Today, as a government shutdown
darkens our national museums and the National Endowment for the Humanities is
gutted, the danger is no longer a matter of rhetoric but of radical, systemic
action. This assault threatens our ability to think critically, remember our
past honestly, and imagine a future that is not dictated by the state. This is
a battle for the American soul, and for the sake of the freedoms we are
guaranteed, it is a battle we must not lose.
A9 X32
FROM variety
Paramount
Skydance Mass Layoffs to Start Week of Oct. 27
By Todd Spangler
Oct 18, 2025 5:34am PT
Paramount Skydance employees
are facing a broad across-the-board culling under David Ellison’s new management
regime the week of Oct. 27, Variety has confirmed.
Major job
cuts have been expected even
before the Skydance Media-Paramount Global deal closed, as part of Ellison and
his team’s goal of slashing upwards of $2 billion in costs.
Previously, the company had been targeting layoffs by early November. The new round of
cuts is expected to eliminate around 2,000 jobs in the U.S., with additional
layoffs internationally.
Related Stories
At an Aug.
7 press conference in New York, just hours after the $8 billion
Skydance-Paramount merger officially closed, Jeff Shell, the ex-CEO of
NBCUniversal who is now president of Paramount Skydance, told reporters that
the company would make cost cuts and layoffs as swiftly as possible and be
disclosed by the company’s third-quarter 2025 earnings report to investors in
November. On Friday, Paramount Skydance announced it
will report Q3 financial results on Nov. 10 after the market closes.
Like other
traditional media companies, Paramount — parent of CBS, Paramount Pictures,
Paramount+ and Pluto TV, MTV, Comedy Central, Nickelodeon and BET — has
seen longer-term downturns in traditional and distribution revenue as
pay-TV subscribers shift toward streaming.
As of Dec.
31, 2024, according to Paramount’s most recent 10-K annual filing with the SEC,
the company had about 18,600 full- and part-time employees in 32 countries
worldwide. (Two years earlier, Paramount’s headcount was 24,500.) Prior to the
closing of the Skydance deal, Paramount made additional layoffs, including
a 3.5% reduction of its domestic staff in
June. Meanwhile, Skydance’s website says it has “more than 500” employees.
Even as Paramount Skydance is gearing up to slash jobs, it has inked new deals
investing more heavily in content. A week after Skydance took over, Paramount
announced a $7.7 billion seven-year deal for exclusive UFC rights, a deal with Activision to make a movie based on
“Call of Duty,” and the acquisition of Bari Weiss’ The
Free Press for a reported $150 million. The company also recently lured the
Duffer Brothers, creators of “Stranger Things,” over from Netflix with a new
four-year exclusive pact to make movies, shows and streaming programming.
Meanwhile,
Ellison — chairman and CEO of Paramount Skydance — is angling to buy Warner
Bros. Discovery in what would be a much larger M&A action than the takeover
of Paramount Global. WBD reportedly rejected Paramount’s $20-per-share offer as
too low. The Ellison family has 100% voting control over Paramount Skydance;
the Paramount-Skydance deal was largely bankrolled by Oracle founder Larry
Ellison (David’s father).
Ellison
has made a series of C-level hires since the deal closed, including Makan Delrahim, who advised Skydance on its acquisition of
Paramount Global, as chief legal officer; former Meta
exec Dane Glasgow as chief product officer;
and Roku’s Jay Askinasi
as chief revenue officer. Other appointments include Cindy Holland,
Dana Goldberg and Josh Greenstein, who play key roles at Paramount’s streaming
and film divisions. George Cheeks, who oversaw CBS before the deal, has
remained at the company with the new title of “Chair of TV Media.”
In a July
2024 presentation to investors after the Skydance deal with Paramount and Shari
Redstone’s National Amusements Inc. was announced, Shell said the Skydance
team, working with consulting firm Bain & Co., had identified at least $2 billion in potential
annualized cost savings at the combined company. At the time,
Shell indicated much of those cost cuts will come from its linear TV business.
Paramount’s
plans to commence layoffs the week of Oct. 27 were reported previously
by Deadline.
Read More
About:
what a
crime
Getting
laid can be jarring if the HR department doesn’t use gloves or are overly
hairy. Can I request they commence these massive layoffs to music?
tammyfay
Close it
all down.
wcat
Luigi’s
Mansion is a fun game, perhaps someone being laid off should show Ellison. It
would make for a fine movie.
Dragomir
Marinov
I hope
these empty suits crash and burn.
Pam
These big
corporations merge and then lay off thousands of people. More money in their
pockets and for their shareholders. Greedy people who care nothing about
others.
Stromr
Smith
This is
how business works. Nobody has a job for life. What don’t you people get about
capitalism. Whether it’s a private company or the government job security is
nonexistent. You want a “permanent” job? Go live in a communist country.
Mr. Smith
Tastes Bootleather
I love how
you identify an existential crisis that impacts hundreds of millions of
Americans, but your response is “you should bootlick the capitalist system
more.”
blackbloc
At what
point will we collectively admit that we are in an extraction economy whereby
corporations purchase their regulations from self-interested politicians? When
will we collectively recognize that trickle-down economics has literally never
been a rigorous concept among economists? At what point do we realize we’re
being fleeced by everyone at the top?
SCOTUS
recently signaled its willingness to reexamine established precedent. How about
they reexamine decisions mandating the house remains a static size or the “tech
debt” of 19th and early 20th century corporate law? One state, Delaware,
essentially governs corporate law. Take the power away from Delaware and we can
finally get these rapacious elites under control. The window is closing and
fascism is at the door. Good luck, America.
Stromr
Smith
Baloney!
If you don’t like it here go live in a communist country.
blackbloc
I fought
for this country. I did a pump overseas as an infantryman in ’09. What have you
done for this country? What have you sacrificed for the greater project?
mdavidjohnson
Perhaps
they might at some point address the Paramount+ atrocious screen delivery which
stalls, cuts out. loses sync, and other bad stuff. (In my case, most
specifically with Tulsa King).
The
problem is clearly on their end because Paramount+/Showtime No Commercials (and
all my other channels) work perfectly.
This must
really frost the advertisers that Paramount+ forces on us (despite paying extra
for Paramount+/Showtime No Commercials). Those ads stall, cut out, and lose
sync too. I say “forces on us” because, unlike DVR recordings, you can’t
fast-forward through the commercials on Paramount+.
Fortunately,
my mute button still works.
A10X33
from GUK
US leaders are erasing Black history. That threatens our future
By Stacey
Abrams and Esosa Osa
DEI is being used as a smokescreen to roll back progress and consolidate power. The goal is to rewrite our nation’s story
Wed 22 Oct
2025 06.00 EDT
Democracy
flourishes when Black Americans advance. The evidence is clear: birthright
citizenship, constitutional due process, anti-discrimination laws from
education to housing to employment and equitable small business investments,
are all byproducts of the systemic corrections known today as DEI. Yet, in
recent years, DEI has been used as a smokescreen by cynical politicians and
activists to roll back progress and consolidate power. Across classrooms,
museums, boardrooms and federal agencies, the key pathways to opportunity and
success are under attack through a coordinated disinformation campaign of
erasure, distortion and suppression.
The impact
of these tactics is concrete and undeniable. Since the start of this year, Onyx Impact’s research has found, 306,000 Black women have lost
their jobs and $3.4bn in grant programs investing in Black communities has been
slashed – including $9.4m in sickle cell disease research, $42m in programs
designed to address Black maternal mortality and $31m in cuts to address asthma
rates and air pollution harming Black children.
Companies
that spinelessly follow Trump’s cuts to DEI will pay a heavy price
By Miriam
González Durántez
Concerted
attempts to stifle the progress of Black communities is not new; however, history
has proven that when progress for Black people is erased, everyone suffers.
During Reconstruction, Black Americans made extraordinary strides – holding
office, building businesses and founding schools. Less discussed is how other
oppressed communities, from white sharecroppers to Latino gauchos, also
benefited from increased access to legal and economic systems. When Black
people faced a century of Jim Crow and state-sanctioned
discrimination, other communities saw a similar retreat on their access to full
citizenship. When the civil rights movement sought to eliminate the vestiges of
Jim Crow, its practices of nonviolent civil disobedience expanded freedom and
opportunity not just for Black Americans, but for communities of all
backgrounds. From the Native American movement to the advancement of gay rights
to women’s economic empowerment, Black civil rights opened the aperture for
expanded human rights.
Nevertheless,
every time Black communities gain ground, forces threatened by change work to
push us back. As we face the current regime, DEI is the bulwark that guarantees
a pluralistic democracy. Its power is rooted not in politics, but in the
promise of America itself: that all people are created equal and deserve a
chance to thrive. Defending DEI, accurate historical education and equitable
access to opportunity protects the very principles that allow our nation to
live up to its highest ideals. Authoritarians and their acolytes despise DEI
because it secures the rights of all.
And when
we do not recognize this, the consequences are immediate and real. The newly released Onyx Impact
report, Blackout: The Real-World Cost of
Erasing, Distorting, and Suppressing Black Progress, documents more than 15,000
instances, in just nine months, where Black lives, histories and pathways to
success have been directly harmed or erased by the Trump administration and their legislative and
judicial cronies. This report provides not only a stark account of harm
but also a way forward. Its rigorous, data-driven analysis empowers citizens,
journalists and policymakers to recognize the instances and patterns of
erasure, distortion and suppression.
Distortion
is one of the most insidious tactics. It reshapes reality in ways that narrow
our expectations and cements bigotry as policy
We must, though, understand these attacks as part
of a deliberate campaign. The goal is to rewrite our nation’s story and
restrict the futures of Black Americans, and by extension, any American deemed
unworthy. We can be tempted to view their actions in isolation, but that is by
design.
Distortion is one of the most insidious tactics. It reshapes reality in ways that
narrow our expectations and cements bigotry as policy. Scholarships and
education programs are
being cut, leaving Black students with fewer chances to pursue a
quality education. These cuts also affect Native American students and served
as a predicate for attacks
on Hispanic students. Black families continue to live in districts with
underfunded schools due to historical patterns of segregation and inequality,
and the concomitant effect of slashing services disproportionately harms all
low-income children and disabled people. Support for Black-owned
businesses and vital
health initiatives have been slashed, leaving our nation
without the data necessary to address systemic disparities in our economy and
healthcare system. The follow-on effect will undermine research and investment
for women across racial categories. By rewriting who counts, who is valued and
what histories are taught, these policies compound the barriers that
communities have fought for centuries to overcome.
Erasure
and suppression work in tandem, and practitioners predictably start with Black
America. Those seeking to cripple democracy have removed Black stories from
curricula, exhibits and public memory, costing us the lessons of confrontation,
remediation and redemption. Rising autocracies know to pressure schools,
universities, corporations and government institutions into silence. Together,
these tactics do more than harm Black communities – they hollow out our
democracy itself. Civic trust erodes, economic opportunity narrows and our
national narrative becomes dangerously incomplete.
We
demanded justice after George Floyd’s death. Donald Trump made things worse,
but we fight on.
By Al
Sharpton
The
question before us now is: what will we do in response? Will we allow fear, disinformation and autocracy
to write the next chapter? Or will we act, fiercely and deliberately, to defend
the truth, honor Black progress and protect the right to opportunity for every
American? The answer will shape not just this moment, but the very future
of our country.
Protecting
and defending the historic progress we’ve made is a moral imperative, one that
demands concerted civil action. As the struggle for liberation has taught us,
when we fight for freedom, we win. We absolutely face coordinated attacks on
truth, which are intended to sow despair or lead to inaction – but we cannot
allow that. The 10 Steps campaign, a nationwide mobilization
effort to protect democracy, provides a clear playbook for understanding the
threat that faces our country and the roadmap for action, helping individuals
and communities navigate this moment and demand freedom and power.
Additionally, Onyx Impact documents information
threats, amplifies truth and equips communities to resist the harmful false
narratives that are used to rationalize the dismantling of our democracy.
When
linked, these initiatives show that protecting Black history and progress is a
shared responsibility if we are to defend America – a responsibility that
demands action from every corner of society.
Our
nation’s future will not arrive on its own. Its success or failure will be
determined by what we choose to do and resist today.
America’s
story began by deciding that from many, we could become one. E pluribus unum is the essence of DEI, the lived
reality of the Black experience and the proof that we can build something
bigger than fear and despair. Together, we can preserve opportunity, honor
truth and strengthen our democracy for generations to come.
Stacey
Abrams, the Democratic nominee for governor of Georgia in 2018 and 2022, is the
founder of American Pride Rises, a group dedicated to defending the principles
of diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI)
Esosa Osa is the founder and CEO of Onyx Impact, an organization created to fight digital harm, amplify Black voices and create healthier online ecosystems
A11X34 FROM WOKEWAVES
The Death of Culture: Why Gen Z Hates Tradition
By Olivia
Bennett
March 4, 2025
⚡ Quick Vibes
Gen Z is
rejecting traditional values, favoring progress, individualism, and
self-expression.
Technology, globalization, and changing social norms have reshaped how we see culture and tradition.
Rather than the "death" of culture, this shift signals the creation of new traditions that fit the modern world.
From
Holidays to Heritage: Why Gen Z Is Ditching Tradition
Every
generation looks back on its past with nostalgia. The “good old days” always
seem simpler, sweeter, and more connected. But for Gen Z, nostalgia doesn’t hit the same way. Instead
of looking back, we’re looking forward—and we’re not afraid to leave
old traditions behind.
From holidays
feeling less magical to cultural norms fading, something has shifted. The traditions that
once defined family, community, and identity no longer feel relevant. And
honestly? Most of us aren’t that
mad about it.
But is this the death of culture,
or are we just making space for something new? Let’s dive in.
Why
Tradition Feels Like a Relic of the Past
Traditions thrive on repetition. They
require communities to silently agree on what’s important and keep passing it
down. But in 2024? That’s getting
harder to do.
@begin
Here’s
why:
🔹 Hyper-Individualism >
Collectivism
Older
generations grew up in tight-knit communities where family and societal
values were the foundation of identity. Now, Gen Z is all
about self-discovery, questioning norms, and choosing our own paths.
Instead of
doing things “just because that’s how it’s always been,” we’re asking:
👉 Do I actually believe in
this?
👉 Is this tradition meaningful
to me?
👉 Why should I follow rules
made decades ago?
For many,
the answer is nope. So
we’re ditching the old scripts and rewriting the rules.
🔹 Technology Changed
Everything
The
internet didn’t just connect us—it shattered cultural bubbles.
Our
parents grew up in one culture,
one community, one reality. We grew up with the entire world at our
fingertips. Instead of only celebrating our family’s traditions, we’re exposed
to thousands of other ways to
live.
The
result?
🌍 Globalization diluted
cultural uniqueness
📱 Social media accelerated
change
🚀 We don’t just inherit
culture—we remix it
For Gen Z,
the idea of a single cultural
narrative feels outdated. Why stick to one tradition when you
can pick and choose from a global
buffet?
🔹 Postmodernism Made Us
Skeptical
Modern
culture once believed in progress,
reason, and absolute truths. Then, postmodernism happened.
🔍 Is any tradition truly
universal?
🔍 Do cultural norms actually
serve us, or do they just limit us?
🔍 If traditions were made by
people, can’t we just make new ones?
This isn’t
just Gen Z being edgy—it’s a philosophical
shift. We don’t trust blindly. We question everything, and that
includes tradition.
The
Nostalgia Trap: Why Traditions Feel "Less Special"
Ever
wonder why Christmas doesn’t feel as magical as it did when we were kids? It’s
not just because we’re older.
Holidays,
rituals, and community moments have lost their collective magic. Here’s why:
🎁 Commercialization: Holidays feel less about
meaning and more about buying stuff.
💬 Online Overload: Seeing people post their celebrations makes
our own feel less unique.
🏡 Less Community Engagement: Fewer neighbors, fewer gatherings,
fewer real-life connections.
Traditions
aren’t just about the event itself—they’re about the people who uphold them. And when
people stop caring? The traditions
fade.
The
Downside of Losing Tradition
Okay, so
traditions are changing. No big deal, right?
Well…
maybe. But there are some real
consequences to this cultural shift.
👥 Less community = more loneliness
Many traditions forced people to
connect. Holiday gatherings, religious services, neighborhood
events—they created a built-in support system. Without them? Loneliness skyrockets.
📖 We lose our cultural history
Traditions tell stories. They link us to who we were, where we came from,
and what matters. When we erase them, we risk losing important
cultural identity.
🌀 Everything feels temporary
When nothing is sacred, everything
feels disposable. Trends replace traditions, and without stability,
life can feel directionless.
This is
why some people cling harder to old ways—they fear that without them, there’s nothing real left.
Are We
Creating New Traditions?
Just
because we’re rejecting old traditions doesn’t mean we don’t want meaning. In fact, Gen Z is
already building new cultural
moments—we just don’t call them “traditions” yet.
✅ Online Rituals
Yearly
Spotify Wrapped drops = The new end-of-year ritual 🎶
Memes & TikTok trends = Shared cultural experiences 📱
Virtual watch parties & gaming communities = Digital gatherings 🎮
✅ Reinventing Holidays
Friendsgiving over
traditional family dinners 🍗
Non-religious holiday celebrations (Winter Solstice, New Year’s vibes) ❄️
DIY traditions (monthly vision boards, journaling, self-care days) 📝
✅ Cultural Fluidity
Blending global traditions (K-pop, anime, world cuisine, etc.) 🌎
Shifting milestones (choosing career/life paths over marriage & kids) 💼
Creating personalized belief systems (mixing spirituality, astrology, psychology) ✨
We may not
be following old traditions, but we’re definitely creating new ones.
The Future
of Culture
So, is
tradition dead? Not exactly. It’s
just evolving.
Gen Z
isn’t rejecting culture—we’re redefining it on our own terms. Instead of inheriting meaning, we’re creating it.
The real
question isn’t whether traditions will survive. It’s: What new traditions will we build? And
more importantly—will they be better?
@ DEAD economy
A12X42 FROM IMF
Global Economy in Flux, Prospects Remain Dim
While the near-term forecast is revised up modestly, global growth
remains subdued, as the newly introduced policies slowly come into focus
The global
economy is adjusting to a landscape reshaped by new policy measures. Some
extremes of higher tariffs were tempered, thanks to subsequent deals and
resets. But the overall environment remains volatile, and temporary factors
that supported activity in the first half of 2025—such as front-loading—are
fading.
As a
result, global growth projections in the latest World Economic Outlook (WEO)
are revised upward relative to the April 2025 WEO but continue to mark a
downward revision relative to the pre-policy-shift forecasts. Global growth is projected to
slow from 3.3 percent in 2024 to 3.2 percent in 2025 and 3.1 percent in 2026,
with advanced economies growing around 1.5 percent and emerging market and
developing economies just above 4 percent. Inflation is projected to continue
to decline globally, though with variation across countries: above
target in the United States—with risks tilted to the upside—and subdued
elsewhere.
Risks are
tilted to the downside. Prolonged uncertainty, more protectionism, and labor
supply shocks could reduce growth. Fiscal vulnerabilities, potential financial
market corrections, and erosion of institutions could threaten stability.
Policymakers are urged to restore confidence
through credible, transparent, and sustainable policies. Trade diplomacy should
be paired with macroeconomic adjustment. Fiscal buffers should be rebuilt.
Central bank independence should be preserved. Efforts on structural reforms
should be redoubled.
As Chapter 2 shows, past actions to improve policy frameworks have served
countries well. As Chapter 3 demonstrates, industrial policy may have a role,
but full consideration should be given to opportunity costs and trade-offs
involved in its use.
Chapter 1:
Global Prospects and Policies
Global
growth is projected to slow and growth prospects remain dim, as the world
adjusts to a landscape marked by greater protectionism and fragmentation.
Global headline inflation is expected to decline further but remain above
target in some countries. Risks to the outlook are tilted to the downside.
Prolonged uncertainty and escalation of protectionist measures may further
hinder growth. Larger-than-expected shocks to labor supply could reduce growth,
especially in economies facing aging populations and skill shortages. Fiscal
vulnerabilities and financial market fragilities may interact with rising
borrowing costs and increased rollover risks for sovereigns. An abrupt
repricing of tech stocks could threaten macrofinancial stability. Pressure on
the independence of key economic institutions could undermine sound economic
decision making. To navigate a global economy in flux, policymakers should
restore confidence through credible, transparent, and sustainable policies.
Chapter 2:
Emerging Market Resilience: Good Luck or Good Policies?
Emerging
markets have shown remarkable resilience to risk-off shocks in recent years.
While favorable external conditions—good luck—contributed to this
resilience, improvements in policy frameworks—good policies—played a
critical role in bolstering the capacity of emerging markets to withstand
risk-off shocks. Improvements in monetary and fiscal policy implementation and
credibility have reduced reliance on foreign exchange interventions, with
central banks less sensitive to fiscal interference and holding sway over
domestic borrowing conditions. Looking ahead, countries with robust frameworks
face easier policy trade-offs and are better positioned to navigate risk-off
episodes. In contrast, economies with weaker frameworks risk de-anchoring
inflation expectations and larger output losses if monetary tightening is
delayed, especially when persistent price pressures emerge. In these settings,
costly foreign exchange interventions offer only temporary relief and are less
necessary when policy frameworks are sound.
Chapter 3:
Industrial Policy: Managing Trade-Offs to Promote Growth and Resilience
Countries are increasingly using industrial policy to reshape their economies by supporting strategic sectors and firms. Motivations include boosting productivity, reducing reliance on imports—especially in energy—and enhancing resilience. Industrial policies can help jump-start domestic industries, but their efficacy is sensitive to sector-specific characteristics that can be hard to determine in advance. And industrial policies present trade-offs. Onshoring production in a strategic sector might lead to higher consumer prices for a prolonged period. And the fiscal cost of industrial policy can be substantial at a time of elevated debt and constrained public finances.
Even when
sector-level outcomes are positive, industrial policy can generate negative
cross-sector spillovers and reduce overall productivity by drawing resources
inefficiently away from sectors that are not targeted. Effective industrial
policy requires careful targeting and implementation, strong institutions,
complementary structural reforms and sound macroeconomic policy.
A13X43 X43 FROM WEF
What isn’t
getting enough attention? These under-the-radar trends, according to chief
economists
Published Sep 23, 2025 · Updated Sep 29, 2025
John Letzing
Digital Editor, Economics, World Economic Forum
Philipp Grosskurth
Insight Lead, Economic Growth, Revival and Transformation, World Economic Forum
The latest Chief Economists' Outlook reflects a relatively downbeat view of the global economy.
But while some parts of the world are expected to endure higher inflation and lower growth, sentiment is far more positive for others.
We asked leading chief economists about the most important-but-overlooked trends in different areas of the economy – including innovation and technology, labour markets, finance, and consumption.
Disruption, uncertainty, and long-term structural change are the big-picture trends shaping expectations for a weakened global economy, according to the World Economic Forum’s latest Chief Economists’ Outlook in which you can also find pertinent charts and graphs.
But what are some frequently overlooked developments likely to have a significant impact on specific areas of the economy in the year ahead? We asked leading chief economists for their thoughts.
See charts and graphs at website here
Patchy 'strong growth' sentiment among chief economists.Image: World Economic Forum
Tariffs and trade tensions have realigned
supply chains, the effects of a weakened US dollar are spreading, and the
stunning pace of artificial intelligence development is creating uncertainty
alongside new growth opportunities.
Still, there have been remarkable signs of resilience. While some parts of the world are expected to endure higher inflation and lower growth, sentiment is far more positive for others.
All of this will play out in particular ways in different parts of the economy. Below, chief economists break down what they see as generally underrated trends and developments in the areas of innovation and technology, labour markets, financial markets, and consumption.
Fabien Curto Millet, Chief Economist, Google
Topic area: Innovation, technology and data
“Most of the discussion around AI has been focused on its immense potential to raise productivity across the economy via its contributions as a “GPT” (General Purpose Technology). But its impact could go further still. As discussed by the late economic historian Nicholas Crafts, AI could actually also be an “IMI”: the Invention of a Method of Invention.
“In other words, AI could not just be a breakthrough, but a breakthrough in breakthroughs. This is a tantalizing prospect.
“In recent years, economists have worried that the burden of existing knowledge means new ideas are getting harder to find. Some estimates suggest that the United States needs to double the amount of research effort every 13 years just to sustain constant growth in terms of GDP per person. AI could greatly ameliorate the situation. Proof points are accumulating in areas as diverse as the understanding of proteins, the detection of gravitational waves, the deciphering of ancient texts, or the reasons why some superbugs are resistant to antibiotics.
“These breakthroughs have been celebrated individually; joining the dots across them has been done more rarely, and reveals AI’s potential to boost research productivity – helping to drive economic growth as well as advances in health and wellbeing.”
Technology is driving some economies forward.Image: World Economic Forum
Svenja Gudell, Chief Economist, Indeed
Topic area: Labour markets and human capital
“The
global economy will be shaped by a race between the effects of an ageing
population with declining labour force participation, and the potential
productivity boost represented by continued evolution and adoption of AI tools.
Here are two key points to know about that race: It has already started, and we
are already losing.
“Declining birth rates and shifting immigration policies have already begun
chipping away at aggregate labour force participation rates in many nations,
and the trend will only get worse over the next few years. Critical industries
including construction and healthcare are currently dealing with worrisome
labour shortages, despite a loosening labour market.
“The prospect of an AI-driven productivity boom that makes business more
efficient with fewer workers is incredibly tantalizing. But our research shows
that the “hands-on” economy of builders, farmers and care workers will see less
impact from AI than the digital economy of developers and analysts. An ageing
population will require more healthcare workers, not less. Improving housing
affordability starts with mobilizing more workers to build more homes.
“While virtually every job will be impacted by AI to some extent, its impacts
won’t be felt evenly across the labour market. Some industries will be wildly
disrupted, others only mildly. The key challenge and opportunity represented by
AI will be our own ability to harness the tools’ power to support human
workers’ ability to adapt, reskill and upskill to meet not just tomorrow’s
labour needs, but today’s too.”
Have you read?
Why AI is replacing some jobs faster than others
Steffen Kern, Chief Economist and Head of Risk Analysis, European Securities and Markets Authority (ESMA)
Topic area: Financial markets and monetary policy
“As stablecoins go global, stability may falter.
“Geopolitics and technology dominate today’s headlines, but a quieter development could reshape finance in the years ahead: cross-country multi-issuance stablecoins (MISCs). At first glance, these seem like a welcome financial innovation, helping to take finance to a new level of efficiency between crypto and traditional markets.
“But things are not that easy. Stablecoins are not new. Their short history includes 23 failures in just over a decade, and earlier this year the Bank for International Settlements warned, as other expert have done before, of their fragile “redemption-at-par” promise.
“Yet just as this caution is becoming mainstream, MISCs mean that an even riskier variant is emerging. By issuing fungible coins in different jurisdictions backed by local reserve accounts, they propose to shift reserves across borders to meet redemption pressures.
“The incentive problems are clear. Cross-border reserve rebalancing is by design vulnerable to speculative attacks. Investors and supervisors may find reserves drained abroad before they can react.
“Today, the stablecoin market – about $250 billion – remains small enough to absorb failures. But projections suggest growth beyond $3.5 trillion within five years, with deep systemic ties to sovereign debt, money markets and beyond.
“A failure at that scale would not remain within crypto. It would gravely affect institutional and retail investors and hurt the wider economy. This risk is not worth taking.”
Have you read?
The GENIUS Act is designed to regulate stablecoins in the US, but how will it work?
Wayne Best, Chief Economist and Senior Vice-President, Visa
Topic area: Private consumption and demand
“The labour market is changing and so too should our expectations.
“For years, economists have relied on a benchmark – around 150,000 jobs per month – to define healthy job growth in the United States. That number shaped expectations for consumer demand and economic momentum. But this benchmark is becoming less relevant. Structural shifts in the labour market are changing what “healthy” looks like.
“A generational shift is underway as baby boomers exit the workforce in large numbers. Meanwhile, a sharp slowdown in immigration is shrinking the foreign-born workforce. These forces are tightening labour supply. Unlike tariffs or hiring freezes, which reduce labour demand, retirements and slower immigration reduce labour supply. With fewer available workers to fill jobs, the unemployment rate can remain steady even if hiring slows.
“Using recent population projections from the Congressional Budget Office, our analysis shows that monthly job growth of just 40,000 to 50,000 could be enough to maintain a stable unemployment rate in 2026 – and possibly lower in 2027.
“Other recent data supports this. Monthly job growth averaged just 29,000 from June to August, down from 82,000 during the same period last year. Yet the jobless rate in August was 4.3%, only 0.1 percentage point higher than August 2024.
“Slower hiring will take some getting used to, but it won’t derail consumption in the year ahead. Income growth and wealth effects remain strong. Going forward, the measure of healthy job growth is not how many jobs are added – it’s whether the growth is enough. And increasingly, it is.”
Have you read?
How much consumption is (just) enough for an economy?
A14X FROM CNBC How President Trump’s China tariffs are taxing the price
of cherished Halloween pumpkin pastime
By Lori Ann LaRocco Published Mon, Oct 27
2025 12:49 PM EDTUpdated Mon, Oct 27 2025 1:44 PM EDT
Analysis
of retail pricing data for Halloween items shows year-over-year increases as
high as 300% on relatively inexpensive items, such as pumpkin carving kits,
with underlying import tariffs near 60%.
Retailers
are forecasting a record Halloween sales season, but the reason is likely the
higher prices across the board, according to experts.
While
President Trump said on Monday that the U.S. and China are near a trade deal,
companies that order seasonal products are often planning a full year ahead and
manufacturing overseas. A deeper dip into consumer wallets this holiday season
is expected to last through Thanksgiving and Christmas, and it is already being
seen in the Halloween product market.
DataWeave,
which analyzes SKUs (stock keeping units), a scannable code retailers use to
identify and track a product, says it has seen big price hikes among relatively
inexpensive Halloween items, led by pumpkin carving-related products. Pumpkin
Masters, the popular pumpkin carving company that offers a wide range of
carving and decorating kits, topped the list in the percentage of price
increases, with year-over-year increases as high as 300%.
According
to customs agents who have reviewed the products, which are made in China, and
calculated the approximate tariff costs for CNBC, the tariff burden paid by
importers or Signature Brands ranged between 58.1%-59.6%. Nunzio De Filippis, a
tariff mitigation expert and licensed customs broker, noted that at these
levels, the importer is now paying tariffs and fees which are more than half
the product’s value.
Joe Ens,
CEO of Signature Brands, which owns Pumpkin Masters — in addition to Betty
Crocker, Paas, Cake Mate, Gift Pop, and Brand Castle — told CNBC that while the
lion’s share of the cake decorating business is domestically manufactured and
produced in Ocala, Florida, Pumpkin Masters and Paas are 100% made in China.
The company’s products were subject to the first trade war in 2018, but this
time around, he says the increase in tariffs has made it hard to keep prices at
original levels.
“I think
with the scale of tariffs that we’re talking about here, it’s hard to imagine
supply chains domestically absorbing that much tariff,” said Ens. “Frankly,
it’s the retailers who make the final pricing decision when all is said and
done.”
According
to SKU analysis by DataWeave, the biggest increase among lower-priced holiday
items was the Pumpkin Masters Xtreme Strobe Light White, with a retail price
increase of a whopping 331%. In 2024, the same light, which is inserted into
the pumpkin to illuminate it, retailed at $1.62, a price that has been
consistent going back to 2022. In 2025, the product is retailing at $6.99.
Retailers
have been discounting the item heavily from the list price, and it is selling.
According to Kroger’s website, the product was initially listed at $6.99 but
was later reduced to $3.49. It was marked sold out. Even with the discount, the
price increased by 115.4%
Ens said
even with the price increase, consumer demand remains strong. “Pumpkin carving
is an annual tradition that we think they want to preserve. It’s such a
cherished consumer behavior that for a pumpkin carving kit that’s less than $6,
people are not going to radically change,” he said.
Ens said
Signature Brands has become more familiar with consumer behavior in reaction to
price increases on holiday items. Last Easter, for example, the cost of eggs
was a key challenge. “It’s kind of the same relationship where the cost of the
activity increased,” Ens said.
Other
Pumpkin Master products were also listed at much higher prices this year.
At
regional grocer Giant Eagle, the price of Pumpkin Masters Contest Winners
Pattern Book was up 330%; Pumpkin Masters Fright Light Kit was up 302%; and
Pumpkin Master Carving Party Kit was up 302%.
Kroger is
also selling Pumpkin Masters Jack O Lantern Teeth, up 283% in price; and
Pumpkin Masters Masters Collection, up 214%.
Pick and
Save, which is a part of Kroger, has also listed similar items at price
increases of over 100%.
Kroger and
Giant Eagle did not respond to CNBC’s request for comment on pricing strategy.
William
George, director of research at ImportGenius, said a review of the bills of
lading, receipts detailing freight shipments to the U.S., shows that shipment
levels of pumpkin carving tools have been largely flat over the past three
years. Other shipments containing cauldron, skeleton, or tombstones in the
product description are up. “I think the real takeaways are that
Halloween-labeled shipments are slightly down, and that Halloween
costume-labeled shipments are down significantly,” said George.
“A good
chunk of our business is direct import, so our retail partners assume control
overseas, so there’s been a little bit of a decrease in inventory brought in,
just under the assumption that there might be moderated consumer terms,” Ens
said.
Signature
Brands has looked at reshoring manufacturing for both Pumpkin Masters and Paas,
which makes popular Easter products, but Ens said it would be very difficult to
be competitive based on labor costs in other markets, and for products made
with injectable molds.
Seasonal
items like Pumpkin Masters and Paas are usually planned a year in advance of
the holiday.
“We’re in
the midst of trying to define our demand for 2026 and we will see how this
season goes,” Ens said. “While the increases are not desirable for this kind of
once-a-year purchase, people are investing in a tradition with their grandkids
or their kids, and we expect velocity to be just as strong as the past.”
The
National Retail Federation forecasts that Halloween spending will hit a record
$114 per person this year, but that is likely a function of higher prices
across the board.
“Prices
are increasing across related categories, including costumes, candy, and
pumpkin carving tools, as retailers deal with global uncertainty and work to
manage the impact and total price passed on to consumers,” said Lauren Murphy,
managing director, Wells Fargo Retail Finance.
Peter
Boockvar, chief investment officer of One Point Wealth Advisors, said the
increase in prices from lower-cost items on up will have an overall impact on
the consumer. For example, in addition to pumpkin carving products, candy for
Halloween is also up 10.8%, nearly four times the overall inflation compared to
last year, according to the Century Foundation.
“The
period from Halloween to Christmas will be a huge test of the American
consumer’s tolerance of tariffs as it will be right in front of their financial
face in the coming months,” he said. “The problem with tariffs for a trade
deficit country such as the U.S., where we import much more than we export,
blanket tariffs on just about everything is like water filtering into every
crack in terms of households and businesses having to eat most of it.”
A15X41 FROM TIME@
Trump's
looming DEI investigations have corporations on edge
While testifying
before the Senate Judiciary Committee in July, Harmeet Dhillon, the assistant
attorney general for civil rights, issued a warning about the Trump
administration’s crackdown on diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives.
"Either
DEI will end on its own," Dhillon told senators, "or we will kill
it."
Just
hours after he took the oath of office, President Donald Trump issued executive
orders to dismantle diversity programs and directed federal contractors to end
“illegal DEI discrimination.” Fearing lawsuits and the loss of government
contracts, dozens of the nation’s largest companies from McDonald’s to Facebook
owner Meta rolled back or eliminated DEI programs.
Worried
the Trump administration will target them next, executives are doing everything
they can to comply with the president's directives and stay out of his
crosshairs, said one lawyer on the condition of anonymity so he could discuss
private client matters.
“What
you see are companies bending themselves to the will of the president,” he
said. “The White House is in charge.”
Government
scrutiny has only intensified as the Trump administration moves aggressively to
pressure employers into overhauling hiring practices to align with the
president’s political agenda. In recent months, the Justice Department has
signaled its intention to investigate federal contractors and grant recipients
who “knowingly” violate civil rights laws.
“If a
corporate DEI plan reads like a quota, then expect a subpoena,” Brandon Smith,
a partner with the Holtzman Vogel law firm and former chief of staff and
assistant solicitor general in the Tennessee Attorney General’s Office,
recently wrote in the National Review. “The era of accountability for violating
state and federal civil rights laws has begun.”
DEI
investigations loom
During
her Senate testimony, Dhillon promised the Trump administration would bring
“numerous investigations and lawsuits against institutions that continue to
offend our federal civil rights laws.”
In
May, the Justice Department created the “Civil Rights Fraud Initiative” and
threatened legal action under the False Claims Act, a civil law that allows the
government to recover funds lost to fraud.
In a
first step, the Justice Department has begun issuing civil investigative
demands to employers across a broad range of industries, directing them to turn
over information about their DEI programs.
The
use of CIDs – a legal tool that allows the government to gather information
during a civil investigation – rattled corporate America.
“There
is no doubt there is a new sheriff in town,” said Al Chakravarty, a partner
with the Saul Ewing law firm. “It absolutely puts the corporate community in a
very challenging situation because in many cases, not only was it tolerated in
prior administrations, it was actually encouraged to have programs that
increase diversity.”
False
Claims Act lawsuits are costly to defend and damages and penalties can quickly
add up, the Morrison & Foerster law firm said.
Violators
can be held liable for up to three times the total value of the contract in
addition to per-claim penalties of $14,000 to $28,000 for each time the
government contractor billed the government.
What’s
more, the DOJ is encouraging whistleblowers to file lawsuits on the
government’s behalf and potentially receive a portion of the windfall. Last
year, the DOJ took in nearly $3 billion in False Claims Act settlements and
judgments.
Just
the mere threat of a False Claims Act investigation is a powerful cudgel,
lawyers say. Becoming a target of the Trump administration carries significant
business risks, from reputational damage to shareholder class action lawsuits.
“I’ve
had many leaders say to me, ‘we are very confident from a purely legal
perspective in what we are doing,’” said David Glasgow, executive director of
the Meltzer Center for Diversity, Inclusion and Belonging at the NYU School of
Law. “And then a lot of them will say to me, ‘none of that really matters if we
have been dragged through the mud by this administration.’”
Cities,
states targeted in DEI probe
In a
sign of what could come in the private sector, the Justice Department is
probing the employment practices of state and local governments.
The
DOJ has announced investigations into possible employment discrimination, the
state of Minnesota and the California Environmental Protection Agency. In May,
the DOJ said it was probing Chicago’s hiring decisions after Mayor Brandon
Johnson touted the number of Black officials in his administration.
Private-sector
employers should expect “similar aggressive positions,” the Perkins Coie law
firm warned.
Corporate
America may face challenges from states as well. Attorneys general in red
states have launched investigations into private-sector employment practices.
In
July, the Tennessee Attorney General’s Office sent a letter to Deloitte, one
the state’s largest vendors that manages its Medicaid eligibility system,
ordering the firm to hand over records on its DEI initiatives, reported The
Tennessean, part of the USA TODAY Network. The contract is worth hundreds of
millions to Deloitte, which said in February that it would end its DEI
programs.
EEOC
prepares DEI crackdown
This
month, the Senate confirmed Trump’s pick of Brittany Panuccio as a commissioner
of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, which investigates employment
discrimination in the private sector. The confirmation established a Republican
majority at the agency and cleared the way for the EEOC to make major policy
changes again.
In
January, Trump fired two Democratic commissioners before their terms were up,
leaving the EEOC without a quorum.
Acting
EEOC Chair Andrea Lucas has said eliminating “illegal DEI” in the workplace is
a top priority.
“As
head of the EEOC, I’m committed to dismantling the identity politics that have
plagued our civil rights laws,” Lucas said during her confirmation hearing for
a second term as a commissioner.
They
were out. Companies were proud. Then came the DEI backlash.
The
EEOC is likely to reverse guidance on workplace harassment, which last year
strengthened protections for LGBTQ+ workers, such as the right to use bathrooms
and pronouns that align with their gender identity.
“The
confirmation of a second Republican EEOC commissioner will allow the agency to
more aggressively push forward Trump-era priorities, including challenges to
diversity programs and reducing LGBTQ+ protections,” the Littler law firm said.
A16X
52 X FROM GOOGLE AI
AI
Overview
Several Day of the Dead celebrations, particularly parades, have been
canceled due to fears of increased immigration enforcement activities by ICE and other federal agencies. Cities like Long Beach,
CA and Decatur, AL have canceled their 2025 events, citing
concerns over the presence of law enforcement and the potential for family
separation. Organizers decided to cancel rather than risk the safety of
their community members.
Canceled
events and reasons
Long
Beach, CA: The city canceled its 2025 Día de los Muertos parade at the
request of a councilwoman who cited concerns related to activities of federal
law enforcement in the region.
Decatur, AL: The city's Día de los Muertos festival was canceled due to safety concerns stemming from immigration raids and a new state law requiring local law enforcement to verify immigration status during stops.
Reasoning: In
both cases, organizers expressed that the decision was made to protect the
community and that they plan to continue celebrating in the future.
YouTube·FOX 11 Los Angeles
Día de los Muertos canceled due to ICE concerns -
Yahoo
Oct 9,
2025 — Several news sources have also reported Día de los Muertos cancellations
in southern California, where immigration raid...
A16a
X
51 X51 FROM BERKELEYSIDE (CALIF.)
Día de los Muertos celebration at Berkeley High canceled amid fears of
ICE raids
Community members “just don’t feel safe,” an organizer said. The event was set for Saturday, Oct. 25.
by Vanessa Arredondo Oct. 25, 2025, 11:35 a.m.
The annual
Día de los Muertos event hosted at Berkeley High School has been
canceled out of caution following the arrival of federal immigration agents to
the Bay Area earlier this week.
On Thursday, a caravan of border patrol
agents entered Coast Guard
Island, a base located in the Oakland Estuary, erupting local protests. Though
the next day local officials reported they’d been told that the Trump administration’s
planned “surge” operation was canceled in all of the Bay Area, residents are still wary.
Adriana Betti, director of R.I.S.E., the
event’s organizers, confirmed to Berkeleyside Saturday morning that the event
was canceled. Betti’s nonprofit organization has helped hundreds of low-income
BUSD students get into college.
“It was a
difficult decision, but we [want to] honor the mental health of our community,
and they just don’t feel safe,” she wrote in the email.
The
family-friendly event, planned for Saturday from 11 a.m. to 4 p.m., would have
included mariachi performances, access to resources, a lowrider car
show, an altar and art exhibition and raffles. The event had support of the
Berkeley school district, LifeLong Medical Care and the city.
In the
days before, community members circulated information about the event’s
cancellation. A flyer in Spanish said the decision was made “to prioritize the
well-being and safety of all community members.” Updates would follow about
future events or alternative ways to honor Latino traditions in Berkeley, the
sign said.
A
spokesperson for the Berkeley Unified School District did not respond to a
request for comment.
A17 A17X04 FROM READERS’ DIGEST
Here’s How Black Cats Became One of Halloween’s Most Famous Symbols

By Cynthia Sanz Carstens
Published
on Oct. 24, 2025
The story
of how black cats became the furry face of the holiday is downright scary
Halloween
is supposed to scare you. It’s all malevolent witches, goblins, ghosts and
shadowy beings haunting the void between the world of the living and the world
of the dead. So how did adorable black cats get lumped in with all those
ghastly ghouls? I mean, cats are notorious for sneaking into places where they
are not supposed to be, but the underworld?
“It does
seem like cats got a bad rap,” says Meghan Henning, PhD, a professor of Christian origins at the University
of Dayton in Ohio. In fact, the story of how the black cat became one of
Halloween’s most famous symbols is a dark and twisty tale that dates back
to the holiday’s earliest origins and the cat’s penchant for getting in the
middle of everything.
Read on to
discover how the superstition started and what legend says about the black cat‘s connection to the spookiest day of the year.
What do black cats symbolize?
“It depends on what culture you’re in,” says
Henning. Many Asian cultures view cats (of any color) as a symbol of good
fortune, while Welsh and Scottish folklore holds that the arrival of a black
cat at your door brings good health and prosperity.
“In England, black cats were considered lucky
because they were thought to be better hunters who could move around quickly in
the dark,” says Henning. “But then black cats became associated with witchcraft
and the devil, and it turned on them. If a black cat crossed your path,
it meant bad
luck was coming your
way.”
How did
these superstitions about black cats start?
It’s a
long and complicated story. “For centuries, cats were a symbol of the sacred,”
says Henning. “But then, through a bad confluence of events for the cats,
things took a dark turn.” Here are some key moments on the black cat’s
reputation roller coaster:
The sacred
feline
In ancient Egypt, black cats were more than just
beloved—they were worshipped. Bastet, the daughter of the sun god, Ra, was
frequently depicted as a cat and was said to protect homes from evil spirits. And rats!
In wealthy households, cats were treated as royalty, dressed in jewels and
immortalized in paintings and statues. When the cats died, they were mummified
in the hope that they would one day be reunited with their owner in the
afterlife. And anyone who
killed a cat was sentenced to death.
“Cats were
seen as these divine, supernatural creatures,” says Henning.
A magic
helper
We may
have the ancient Greeks to thank for the black cat’s link to witchcraft. “In Greek mythology, we have
Hecate, who’s the goddess of magic, and she has a cat,” says Henning. “The cat
became Hecate’s familiar, helping her with her spells and her work as a witch.”
While
Hecate is a relatively minor goddess, she played a big role in establishing
cats’ reputation as mystical creatures.
The Celtic
Cat-Sith
Black cats
played a central role in the Celtic-pagan harvest festival called Samhain
(pronounced SOW-in or SAH-win). Like an early version of Halloween, it was
an evening of fearfulness and feasts, as
the Celts believed it was the one night of the year when spirits could pass
from the world of the dead back into the world of the living.
Some
believed that spirits coming from the dark side would inhabit the bodies of
black cats and steal souls. And legend had it that a Celtic creature called the Cat-Sith, said to
resemble a large black cat with a white spot on its chest, was actually a witch
transformed into a cat. Leaving a saucer of milk out for the Cat-Sith on
Samhain would bring blessings over the year ahead. But anyone who didn’t offer
milk to the Cat-Sith would be cursed.
“Over
time, the tie between witches and black cats and Halloween starts to stick,”
says Henning.
The Pope’s
fateful degree
The real trouble didn’t start until the year 1233.
“Shortly after Pope Gregory IX becomes pope, he puts out his first papal bull,
‘Vox in Rama,'” says Henning. “It was in response to a rumor that there were a
whole bunch of Satan worshippers in Germany.”
At the
time, the church was on a crusade to weed out heresy, and one of its most aggressive
inquisitors, Konrad von Marburg, had reported back that Luciferians in Germany
were worshipping the devil in various forms, including that of a demonic black
cat. “The devil that’s supposedly being worshipped is a kind of shadowy
half-man, half-cat figure, and there are stories of the witches kissing a black cat’s
butt,” says Henning. “You can see how that stuck with people, right? And
it leads to the widespread persecution of black cats, and other cats too.”
Although
domestic cats aren’t even mentioned in the Bible (much less connected to Satan)
and Marburg was later found to be torturing people to get the confessions he
wanted, his outlandish allegations did their damage. “Some people say that cats were almost eliminated
in Europe, and that’s part of what led to the spread of the bubonic
plague—because there weren’t cats around to kill the mice,” says Henning. “It
wasn’t a great time to be a cat.”
What is
the black cat’s connection to witches, exactly?
As with
that Greek myth about the goddess Hecate, witches were often said to employ
black cats as “familiars”—companion animals who helped them with their
witchcraft. The idea really took hold in European folklore during the Middle
Ages. Some stories told of witches using black cats as messengers. Others had the
witches disguising themselves as black cats to pass through society
unrecognized. (They could reportedly accomplish the change only nine times,
which may be the origin of the “nine lives” cat myth.)
“The tie
between witches and black cats may be partly because of the respect that many
pagan cults and witches had for plants and animals,” says Henning, “but there’s
also, I think, a less obvious gendered connection there. Women who were accused
of witchcraft were often caricatured as questioning authority because they had
independent thoughts. And the cat is a symbol of independence and sometimes is
characterized as being aloof. So the association is also a part of a gendered
history of mischaracterizing women who display the same characteristics that we
value in men.”
So how did
black cats make the jump to becoming Halloween symbols?
“It’s not
entirely clear,” says Henning, “though it seems they likely came along with the
witches.” The origins of Halloween itself are a
little murky. But there’s a well-documented overlap between pagan and Christian
celebrations.
Originally called All Hallows’ Eve, it initially
marked the day before All Saints’ Day, which the Catholic Church created as a
way to honor the dead. But its timing—All Saints’ Day falls on Nov. 1, so All
Hallows’ Eve is Oct. 31—meant it coincided with the pagan harvest festival
Samhain. And it seems some of those traditions got blended in.
“People thought that on the night before All
Saints’ Day, the barrier between the afterlife and this world was very thin,”
says Henning, “so that saints would be especially likely to intercede in your
life. But if saints could intercede, then so could demons and the devil, and
then they added in witches, and the cats just came along too.”
Why did
people believe that a black cat crossing your path brought bad luck?
As with
the origins of other popular superstitions,
it’s a little hard to say for sure. “But it’s probably the witches again,” says
Henning.
Because
people believed that witches could take the form of black cats, they feared
being anywhere near one. “Black cats were associated with witchcraft and the
devil, so no one wanted to be in their path because then you could be
associated with those things too,” she says. And in the days when witches were
being burned at the stake, no one wanted to take that chance.
Is there
any truth to the superstitions?
Of course
not! Anyone who’s ever owned a black cat knows that their magic is all for the
good. Black cats are among the feline world’s most striking creatures—and some
of the most cuddly.
Even
better, some research suggests that black cats may have developed their dark
fur not by chance but because it helps them live longer. (It offers camouflage,
helps with heat regulation and maybe even increases their resistance to
infection.) How’s that for luck?
@get
mexico
A17aX04A
Black cats and Halloween: Why has a Spanish council banned their
adoption?
By Christina Thykjaer Published on 29/10/2025 - 14:09 GMT+1
Terrassa
City Council in Spain has suspended the adoption of black cats this month to
prevent the animals being used and abused in Halloween rituals to stop
superstitions spreading during the spooky season.
The
Spanish city council of Terrassa, close to Barcelona, has decided to suspend
the adoption of black cats until the end of this month to avoid their use in
rituals or celebrations linked to Halloween.
Local
authorities say it's an unusual but necessary measure.
"We have been alerted by
organisations and members of the public that some people want to adopt a black
cat to use it for ritual
purposes. We have had to issue an
instruction to stop the
adoption and fostering of
black cats on Halloween," explained deputy mayor Noel Duque on social
media. "In Terrassa, if you want to adopt a black cat, it will have to be
after Halloween and with proof that you are going to take care of it and love
it," he added.
Although
it may seem like a superstition of the past, animal protection associations
claim that every year there are more cases of people asking for black cats as
part of party props or, worse still, to use them in witchcraft rituals.
Witchcraft
and bad luck
Terrassa's
measure follows a number of other cities that already restrict the adoption of
black cats and, to a lesser extent, white cats, in the weeks leading up to 31
October.
While the
former are still a symbol of bad luck or dark powers, the latter are widely
viewed as representing purity and good fortune, especially if you're a James
Bond villain.
Both, however, share a common fate: they are victims of human superstition.
A18
X92 FROM
The Conversation
Etching
of two creatures approaching two women
from behind.
‘Death
and the Devil Surprising Two Women,’ circa 1515. Etching of two creatures
approaching two women from behind.
Daniel
Hopfer/The Elisha Whittelsey Collection via The Met
What’s
the difference between ghosts and demons? Books, folklore and history reflect
society’s supernatural beliefs
Published:
October 27, 2025 8:18am EDT
Author
Penelope
Geng
Associate
Professor of English, Macalester College
Disclosure
statement
Penelope
Geng does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any
company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed
no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
What’s
the difference between ghosts and demons? – Landon W., age 15, The Colony,
Texas
Belief
in the spirit world is a key part of many faiths and religions. A 2023 survey
of 26 countries revealed that about half the respondents believed in the
existence of angels, demons, fairies and ghosts. In the United States, a 2020
poll found that about half of Americans believe ghosts and demons are real.
While
the subject of demons and ghosts can inspire dread, the concepts themselves can
be confusing: Is there a difference between the two?
Historically,
communities have understood the supernatural according to their religious and
spiritual traditions. For example, the terrifying ghosts of Pu Songling’s
“Strange Tales from a Chinese Studio” operate differently than those haunting
the works of William Shakespeare, even though both writers lived in the 17th
century.
Engraving
of three men agog at the appearance of a ghostly man in armor
‘Hamlet,
Horatio, Marcellus and the Ghost,’ from Shakespeare’s ‘Hamlet,’ Act 1, Scene 4.
Robert Thew/Gertrude and Thomas Jefferson Mumford Collection via The Met
Literary
representations of ghosts and demons often reflect the anxieties of communities
experiencing social, religious or political upheaval. As a scholar of early
modern English literature, my research focuses on how everyday people in 16th-
and 17th-century Europe used storytelling to navigate major social changes.
This era, often called the Renaissance, was punctuated by the establishment of
mass media through printing, the global spread of colonization and the
emergence of modern science and medicine.
Digging
into the literary archive can reveal people’s ideas about demons and ghosts –
and what made them different.
Martin
Luther and the Reformation
On
Oct. 31, 1517, Martin Luther, an ex-law student and former monk, boldly
published his Ninety-Five Theses. In it, he rejected the Catholic Church’s
promise that monetary payment to the church could reduce the amount of time
one’s soul spent in purgatory. What began as a local protest in Wittenberg,
Germany, soon swept all the major European powers into a life and death
struggle over religious reform. Towns were besieged, landscapes scorched,
villages pillaged.
This
period, called the Reformation, led to the establishment of new Christian
denominations. Among these Protestant churches’ early teachings was the edict
that purgatory did not exist and souls could not return to Earth to haunt the
living. Protestant reformers insisted that after death, one’s soul was
immediately judged. The virtuous flew up to God in heaven; the sinful burned in
hell with the Devil.
According
to Protestants, ghosts were invented by Catholic priests to scare people into
obedience. For example, the English translator of Ludwig Lavater’s 1572 book
“Of Ghostes and Spirites Walking by Night” insists ghosts are the “falsehood of
Monkes, or illusions of devils, franticke imaginations, or some other frivolous
and vaine perswasions.” Should you ever encounter an “apparition,” you must
call it out for what it truly is: a devil pretending to be a ghost.
Christopher
Marlowe’s play “Doctor Faustus” comments on these debates. Written in the 1580s
for a primarily Protestant audience, the play features a scene in which Dr.
Faustus and his devil companion, Mephistopheles, trick the pope by snatching
away his meal. A bewildered member of the papal court concludes “it may be some
ghost … come to beg a pardon of your Holiness.” The audience knows full well,
however, that these pranks are committed by the necromancer and his demon.
Ghostly
haunting
In
spite of Protestantism’s official stance against ghosts, belief in them
persisted in the popular imagination.
Archival
records show that ordinary people held fast to popular beliefs despite what
their religious authorities decreed. For example, the casebook of Richard
Napier, an astrological physician, reports several cases of “spirit” hauntings,
including that of a young mother named Catherine Wells who had been “vexed …
with a spirit” for three continuous years.
Popular
plays provide additional evidence. Shakespeare’s “Hamlet” opens with a midnight
visitation by the ghost of Hamlet’s father, telling his son he cannot rest in
peace until his murderer is brought to justice. Ghostly victims seeking justice
appear in other Shakespearean plays, including “Macbeth” and “Richard III.”
Cheap
print, a form of common media, capitalized on the public’s interest in the
paranormal. Part entertainment, part journalism, cheap print was read by all
sorts of people. A 1662 pamphlet titled “A strange and wonderfull discovery of
a horrid and cruel murther [murder]” describes Isabel Binnington’s unsettling
encounter with the ghost of Robert Eliot. In her testimonial, she claims that
Eliot’s ghost promised he would never hurt her. What he wanted was simply for
her to hear his story: He had been murdered for his coins in the very house she
occupied.
A 1730
broadside ballad called “The Suffolk Miracle” – still performed today – tells
the tale of young lovers parted by an overprotective father. After the daughter
is whisked away, her beloved dies of a broken heart. When his ghost later
appears to her, she “joy’d to see her heart’s delight.”
Demonic
possession
While
reformed Protestant thinkers rejected the existence of ghosts, they
enthusiastically accepted the reality of devils.
Reports
of demonic possession were popular. Before his ascension to the English throne,
King James VI of Scotland published a literary treatise on demonology in 1597.
He argues that “assaultes of Sathan are most certainly practized” and
“detestable slaves of the Devill” live among us.
The
diaries of English Puritans offer further proof that beliefs about devilish
encounters were common. In the 1650s, the Calvinist preacher Thomas Hall
insisted that his godliness attracted the attention of Satan like a moth to a
candle. From an early age, he complained, he was subjected to “Satanicall
buffettings” and terrifying dreams. He believed, however, that surviving
demonic temptation demonstrated his unwavering devotion to God.
Distinguishing
ghosts from demons
Based
on the literature, what can we conclude about how people saw ghosts and demons?
Early
modern people often represented ghosts as sad and pitiable. They were depicted
as the spiritual remainder of a recently deceased person, haunting their
friends and kin – or, occasionally, a stranger. They retained some of their
humanity and were psychically connected to a place, such as their former home,
or to a person, such as their most cherished companion.
Demons,
by contrast, were almost always malevolent tricksters who served the Devil.
Demons lacked knowledge of what it meant to be human. Hell was the demons’
lair. Early modern texts describe them visiting the earthly plane to corrupt,
possess or tempt humans to commit self-harm or violence against others.
Then
and now, stories of ghosts and demons have provoked fear and wonder. Tales of
the supernatural have inspired the imagination of kings, theologians,
playwrights and everyday people.
Approaching
the topic of the otherworldly with intellectual humility can inspire deeper
curiosity about cultures across space and time. As Hamlet muses to his friend
after meeting the ghost of his father, “There are more things in Heaven and
Earth, Horatio, than are dreamt of in your philosophy.”
See references to etchings here
A19 FROM USA TODAY
Why
it's good to be alive in this city where the dead outnumber the living
Those
who live or work among Colma, California's silent majority eschew spooky
romanticism – insisting this is not the haunted place many envision. Instead,
it's a place of reverence and history.
By
Chris Kenning
Key
Points:
How
does Colma balance Halloween events with reverence for the dead?
Why
was Colma incorporated in 1924?
What
role do Colma's cemeteries play as historical sites?
How
does Colma balance Halloween events with reverence for the dead?
COLMA,
CA — On a cloudless October afternoon, Richard Rocchetta piloted his Toyota
through a sea of weatherbeaten headstones and mausoleums that sprawl over
hilly, manicured lawns of his hometown. He points to some of his best-known neighbors.
There’s Joe DiMaggio, the “Yankee
Clipper.” There’s Wyatt Earp, the mustachioed Old West lawman. There's music
impresario Bill Graham and William Randolph Hearst, the news tycoon. And in
between, the lesser-known: Bankers, priests, Hells Angels bikers and Alcatraz
inmates. And
the mass graves of corpses evicted from San Francisco cemeteries a century ago.
Rocchetta
is a gravedigger’s son, and he knows this place by heart.
Colma, incorporated as a necropolis in
1924 after San Francisco banned new burials, is home to 1.6 million souls in 17
cemeteries that take up most of its 2.2 square miles. In one of America’s most grave-dense
cities, there are Italian, Serbian and Japanese cemeteries. Majestic arched
entrances and elegant columbariums. Even a pet cemetery, where Tina Turner's dog is buried with one of her
fur coats.
It's
fitting that in a place where the dead outnumber the living by a thousand to
one, its roughly 1,600
above-ground residents have embraced the winking motto: “It’s great to be alive
in Colma.”
Growing
up in the “City of Souls,” Rocchetta built forts with friends in the trees that
edge cemeteries and learned to drive on cemetery roads. Neighbors worked in
flower shops or setting headstones. At the dinner table, his father, an Italian
immigrant with a seventh-grade education, talked about his day as a
gravedigger. Graveside arguments. Children’s burials. A body that had turned to
bones when he had to move it.
Now retired, Rocchetta can still see
gravestones from his window. Each day brings more permanent residents, arriving
in black hearses trailing solemn convoys of hazard-flashing cars to a place
still served by generations of locals who cut granite memorials or pour
sympathetic whiskeys.
This time of year, you might imagine
that Colma would be Halloween mecca, that it would draw legions seeking gothic
shenanigans and fog-shrouded backdrops for seances or selfies.
To be
sure, there are events like trick-or-treating and a showing of the film “The
Haunted Mansion" in a cemetery. And it's not without a past that has
includes occasional tales of nighttime cemetery sounds or strange events, such
as the Virgin Mary appearing in a tree.
But
those who live or work among the city’s silent majority eschew the spooky
romanticism of Halloween – insisting this is not the haunted place many envision, but rather one of
reverence that stands as a story of how we remember our dead and their
place in history.
Rocchetta,
who remains steeped in Colma's history as a member of the local historical
association and museum director, said he takes his matter-of-fact approach to a life spent among
the dead from his father’s maxim:
“You need to worry more about those
above ground than those underneath it.”
The
birth of the ‘City of Souls’
The
city’s story starts about 10 miles up the San Francisco Peninsula.
By the
late 1800s, San Francisco was booming, fueled by the Gold Rush. And its
cemeteries had grown into an overcrowded mess.
Worries
about health hazards from vaporous winds blowing from cemeteries were fueling
newspaper headlines calling for the cemeteries to go, according to the book “City of Souls” by Michael
Svanevik and Shirley Burgett.
In 1901, San Francisco banned new
burials within city limits. Some
of the city’s neglected cemeteries fell into ruin, with toppled gravestones and
thieves scavenging mausoleum doors, Svanevik said in a 2021 interview, noting some people wandered in for
boozing, late-night sex and even to steal skeletons.
Above
all, many of the cemeteries sat on prime land that was “needed for the living,”
according to the Colma Historical Association. By 1914, eviction notices were sent to all San Francisco
cemeteries ordering them to exhume and move the dead.
The Catholic Archdiocese of San
Francisco had already purchased 300 acres of sloping cabbage and potato fields
in the area known as Colma, where it opened Holy Cross Cemetery. Others
followed suit.
Despite
years of legal battles over the relocations, more than 150,000 bodies were
exhumed from the 1920s to the early 1940s for the trip to Colma, each in
various stages of decay.
Intact
caskets − or boxes of bones if they had deteriorated − were loaded
onto wagons and rail cars and moved to Colma in what could be a grisly affair.
While some paid to have headstones moved, many stayed in San Francisco and were
later used in building projects including gutters and a breakwater.
At
Holy Cross Cemetery in Colma, funeral rail cars would arrive multiple times a
day at a station across the street, said Monica WIlliams, Director of
Cemeteries for the Archdiocese of San Francisco.
“There
used to be a bell on the top of the building, and they would bring the casket
into the building, they would ring the bell, and that would signal the grave
diggers to come down and pick up the casket,” she said.
Over
time, the city drew a cross-section of San Francisco society: Wealthy
socialites, artists, top political leaders and business titans including those
known as the Potato King and Cattle King. There were also prisoners, paupers
and unclaimed bodies who went into mass graves, including remains of 39,307
Catholics at Holy Cross.
After
World War II, the above-ground population grew when veterans purchased
bungalows in Colma’s Sterling Park neighborhood, some costing $8,950, with GI
loans (some of which are now worth nearly $1 million). But the population of
the living, which would only grow to about 1,600, will remain forever dwarfed
by the dead.
By the
1970s, Colma's western edge attracted car dealerships and later big box stores,
a rail transit station and apartments. Nurseries and a golf course clung to
other parts of the city.
In 1998, the Lucky Chances casino opened, surrounded by graveyards on three
side, which critics saw as a sacrilege. But its 60-table card room, tucked into
a low-key design, remained. It brings gamblers to play Pai Gow or Texas Hold'em
and, city officials said, critical revenue to the town.
Today
Colma's cemeteries are a peaceful island of calm among busy interstates, San
Francisco’s airport and the bustle of Silicon Valley. One that draws not just
mourners but tourists seeking out history.
They
include George Moscone, a
San Francisco mayor who was assassinated in 1978 along with Harvey Milk, a
member of the board of supervisors who was the first openly gay man to be
elected to public office in California. Abigail Folger, the coffee heiress
murdered by Charles Manson’s cult members.
And
the Emperor Norton, a
late-1800s San Francisco eccentric figure known for wearing a ostrich-plumed
hat and sword and dubbing himself the "Emperor of the United States and
Protector of Mexico.” Still more include a Hells Angel member who was buried in
Colma grave with his motorcycle in the 1970s.
Fans
leave baseballs or bats on the grave of Joe DiMaggio, or coins and other memorabilia on
the black granite headstone where Wyatt Earp and his wife are buried. They visit denim magnate Levi
Strauss, who lies in a domed mausoleum. There are sold-out tours of
famous Northern California wine makers, merchants and bottlers.
And
family members visit loved ones in non-demoniational (sic), Jewish, Catholic,
Japanese, Greek, Serbian cemeteries. A Chinese cemetery whose entrance is flanked by giant panda
statues and Pet’s
Rest, where plots with animals from ocelots to iguanas honor pets with
names like Yugi, Taco, Ludwig, Buster, Chico the Chihuahua.
“It’s
like the United Nations of cemeteries,” Rocchetta said, each with its own vibe.
The Chinese cemetery is “very Feng shui,” he said, “and, of course, the Greeks
are all facing east when they bury them.”
The
sun rose over the nearby San Bruno Mountains on a recent day, lighting misty
cemeteries dotted with cedar and palm trees. Landscaping crews zipped along
cemetery roads in carts as sprinklers shot water across green lawns.
At
Holy Cross, it was another busy day for the nonprofit cemetery that houses more
than 400,000 souls and adds another 1,500 a year, with plenty of room as more
people choose to be cremated rather than buried in a coffin. But the work never
stops.
“It’s
like running a little city,” said Williams, who oversees a staff of 60 who mow
lawns, weed, dig graves, plan services, install headstones, sell gravesites,
give tours and help with genealogy and other research.
That
research, for example, recently discovered a survivor of the 1912 Titanic disaster
was – by sheer chance – buried within feet of a man who worked on the ship that
rescued her.
"You
have to be present to people who are grieving. And that's really meaningful
work,” she said. “But the fun part is
learning all these stories. And that's what cemeteries are about, telling
stories.”
Across
town, Mark Fontana leaned over a slab of granite in a monument manufacturing
shop located right next to the Italian cemetery, full of headstones in various
stages, giant stone cutting machines, diamond-grinders and a room for
sandblasting headstones.
V.
Fontana & Company was opened in 1921 by his grandfather, Valerio Fontana, a
stone-cutter who immigrated from Italy and worked on San Francisco's city hall
before moving to Colma. Its nearby office is full of historic photos, and Mark
Fontana’s daughters live upstairs, just as he and his father once did. Outside
is an open air patio, where family and friends gather for long dinners next to
a kitchen plastered with family pictures.
While
technology has changed – photo images can now be set on stone - he bases his
business on quietly listening to what people want in a final marker and
delivering it. Recently that ranged from a man in his 70s who lost his
childhood sweetheart to cancer to a woman who was burying her beloved horse.
“It's
the final thing anybody's ever gonna do for whoever they're doing it for,” he
said. “And it’s there for all time.”
A mile
to the west, Owen Molloy polished glasses at another local landmark — Molloy’s
Tavern, opened by his grandfather in the 1920s in a former hotel and stagecoach
stop across the street from Holy Cross Cemetery to capitalize on Irish wakes.
On a
recent day, a patron drank a Guinness at the bar amid walls covered in funeral
notices from people who had come for a drink after saying that final
goodbye. Hung too were some of the many
articles written about the bar. One story about it notes that “Though the
Molloy’s dwell in the valley of death,” it was a place where “black clad
mourners duck in for a soothing pint.”
Owen
Molloy sits outside Molloy’s, the tavern opened across from a cemetery in
Colma, California by his family in 1927.
Molloy
grew up here, and after taking over from his father, now lives within walking
distance. The history is all around him.
During
prohibition, he said the bar was used to store alcohol smuggled in from Canada
on timber ships and later sold in San Francisco gas stations. Wyatt Earp,
before his death in 1929, would sometimes come in for a drink after refereeing
nearby boxing matches held in the area.
Its
location meant visits by mayors. Evil Knievel once rode his motorcycle through
the bar.
Legendary
San Francisco columnist
Herb Caen was a regular, drawn like many to its history and dive-bar
vibes, Molloy said. “He used to write so many articles about Malloys, the
editor asked him if he was on our payroll,” he said.
Rocchetta,
for his part, heeded his father’s advice to stay away from gravedigging despite
it being a union job with a pension back then. After working for the state,
Rocchetta has played a key role in the historical society whose museum includes
artifacts like a traveling embalming table.
A
couple of years ago, Rocchetta purchased a grave site for himself in town.
But
ask area residents how living or working in the City of Souls – surrounded by
the unblinking fact of their own future – has impacted their perspective on
death, and most respond with a shrug. Just a part of life.
Fences
help quell cemetery misadventures
At
night, things are generally quiet in the cemeteries, according to Helen
Fisicaro, a Colma city council member and former mayor who has lived in town
since the 1970s.
But it
wasn’t always that way before cemeteries put in fences and installed security
cameras.
Kids
playing hide-and-seek in cemeteries and teenagers drinking beer at night
weren’t uncommon, Molloy said.
“It
was a free-for-all back then,” he said.
Former Colma Police Sgt. Tim Mackie
told the East Bay Times in 2005 that during nighttime graveyard patrols, he’d
discovered naked lovers, people dancing on graves and the remains of seances,
with candles circling a grave and pieces of a chicken strewn about.
There
was the time when police spotted a man with blood dripping from his ear and
mouth in a cemetery who then seemed to disappear, the outlet reported, with
Mackie noting that while there were “some cops who get spooked out at
nighttime” he wasn’t one of them. An LA Times column from the 1990s cited what
it said was the rare resident who claimed ghosts roamed one mausoleum for
stillborns and infants.
Once a
man shot and killed himself on his father’s grave at Holy Cross. Another time
brass vases were stolen, Rocchetta said. There was one instance of vandals
toppling monuments.
In
1997, a branch fell off a tree near Olivet Memorial Park, revealing a spot
where people believed they could see the Virgin Mary in a gown with her hands
folded in prayer, drawing large crowds.
“People
would take photos and leave flowers,” Rocchetta said. “They had to have
policemen out here because the traffic was so heavy.”
That
too has been fenced off, and these days there’s little mischief – at least that
they know about, said Fisicaro, the city council member. And in the era of
remote cameras, it’s tougher to get away with hijinks.
Over
the years, the cemeteries have also served as backdrops for movie scenes, from
1971’s “Harold and Maude” to 2006’s “Colma: The Musical.” The professional
wrestler known as The Undertaker filmed a commercial at one of the Jewish
cemeteries, Fisicaro said.
Ghost hunters have conducted paranormal
investigations, Rocchetta said, but he recalled that at least once they came up
short.
“I don’t think they found anything,” he
said.
Balancing
Halloween with reverence for the dead.
In the
neighborhood where “Cinema at the Cemetery” was scheduled for a showing on a
mausoleum lawn, homes are decorated with Halloween figures or skeletons, some
within clear view of a real cemetery.
On
Halloween, families come from nearby Daly City and elsewhere to trick-or-treat
in the neighborhood, drawn by the peaceful streets and gothic backdrop.
But
Fisicaro, who lives in the neighborhood, said the city has a complicated
relationship with Halloween. The city works to balance fun with reverence, and
discourages people from coming to the city to enter the cemeteries at night
hoping for a ghostly experience. That also applies to a steady supply of
writers who imagine the place to be haunted.
“Every
Halloween, we get a call from some newspaper or whatever,” she said. “But there
really isn't that kind of story here. It's not scary. It's not ghostly. There's
this protection or reverence of the cemeteries.”
Reflecting
the town's motto, she, too, takes living among the dead with a winking stride.
When
she moved into her home years ago, built by an early cemetery figure who died
in the home, at times it almost seemed as if doors closed for no apparent
reason. “We’d just laugh and go, ‘That's Mr. Jensen.”
Later,
when she and her husband removed their fireplace, they found grave markers had
been used in its construction.
If you
find bones, she told him, we’re moving.
@ DEAD democracy
The
"democracy of the dead"
The
concept was coined by English author G.K. Chesterton in his book Orthodoxy (1908)
to explain the importance of tradition. In this view, democracy isn't limited
to the votes of the living, but should also honor the "votes" of past
generations, the deceased.
A wider electorate: Tradition
is described as "an extension of the franchise" to include the
deceased, giving them a vote in the present.
A check on arrogance: This idea serves as a check on the "small and arrogant oligarchy of those who merely happen to be walking about". It suggests that the wisdom of previous generations provides important perspective on current affairs.
How it
relates to the Day of the Dead
Mexico's Día
de los Muertos (November 1–2) offers a compelling real-world cultural
expression of Chesterton's philosophical idea. The holiday is a tradition that
literally gives a voice to the ancestors.
A20
X62 X62 FROM MPR NEWS MINNESOTA
ICE arrests, anti-immigrant sentiment cast pall over Minnesota’s Dia de
los Muertos celebrations
A
sculpture of La Catrina stands on display inside the Hubbard building on N.
Riverfront Drive in Old Town Mankato ahead of Old Town Dia de Los Muertos on
Oct. 22. It's a symbol widely used in celebration and represents the Mexican
spirit in embracing and laughing at death itself.
See photos
here
Volunteers
in Mankato prepare for Old Town Day of the Dead, where more than 15,000 people
are expected to celebrate. They hang colorful paper flags and line the streets
with large vibrant traditional Mexican folk art. There’s mariachi music,
Mexican wrestling, vendors selling cempasúchil–marigolds–and
community altars where people can bring ofrendas to honor
their deceased loved ones.
Luis
Alberto Orozco, 27, of Mankato, serves as this year’s emcee. He loves
everything about El Día de los Muertos, having celebrated the holiday since he
was a kid from Michoacán, Mexico.
“I love
thinking about when I’m in this event, is how I felt as a kid in Mexico during
this season,” Orozco said. “When the skies would get clear, and we were able to
see all the stars in the sky, and that was sort of a sign that our ancestors
were looking over us during this time.”
Orozco
also plays a vihuela–a five-string small round-backed instrument—and
sings in a mariachi band with his father. This time of year brings all kinds of
joy.
“This is a
party for our ancestors,” Orozco said. “Just seeing the joy in all the families
as they’re celebrating is why I love doing what I do.”
Luis Alberto Orozco of Mankato, Minn. says the
national attention surrounding anti-immigration caused fear in Latino
communities, impacting them from going to grocery stores or gas stations
despite holding legal statuses.
He and a
group of volunteers help plan this festival every year. But Orozco says this
year, “it’s felt more heavy and more scary throughout the planning months.” He
added that the national discourse surrounding the federal crackdown on
immigration has led to hard conversations with loved ones.
“I know close family friends, they have legal
status, but they’re still very worried about even just filling up their gas
tank after work just because you never know,” Orozco said. “I am scared because
you never know what can happen.”
A fear
intensified
U.S. Homeland Security
Secretary Kristi Noem paid a visit to Minnesota on
Friday to highlight the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown. But anti-immigration rhetoric and harassment has cast a
pall over the state as Latinos make plans to celebrate their culture and family
heritage with El Dia de los Muertos festivities.
This fear
is palpable for many immigrant communities statewide, as many fear drawing
attention to themselves. Ryan Perez, organizing director for Communities
Organizing Latine Power and Action, or COPAL, based in Minneapolis, says while
deportation fears are nothing new, the angst now has intensified.
“The threat of ‘We’re going to deploy the National
Guard,’ ‘We’re going to use force,’ that is something that is really extreme,”
Perez said. “We’ve seen the video of ICE agents, how aggressive they’re getting
in pushing people down to the ground, slamming their faces against cement. A lot of folks have said that
that’s a significant escalation in many communities than what was happening before.”
Perez says
COPAL MN has heard cases of self-deportations to high profile ICE detentions.
Many immigrants—and even second and third generation U.S. born citizens—are
trying to keep a lower profile because of harassment. Perez said the impact of
that is significant.
“We’ve
heard of so many small businesses sharing with us that foot traffic is down,
visits are down to restaurants, visits are down to the grocery store, and it’s
been impacting school districts,” Perez said. “We’ve heard a lot of families saying [who] are not
sending their kids to school. They’re afraid that the kid will come home and
Mom and Dad won’t be there, and that’s a really scary reality.”
It’s not
exactly clear yet how much this is costing Minnesota’s businesses, especially
those that primarily serve Latinos, but immigrants do make significant
contributions to the fabric of the state’s economy and communities.
And Perez
says instead of letting the fear overwhelm and push people into hiding, he said
that it's important to keep showing up and give people agency.
“My belief
is fully that we need to stay present,” he said. “We need to stay visible, and
that’s the power of our community.”
‘This is
for everybody’
That’s why
events like Old Town Day of the Dead in Mankato are important for Latinos
embracing their identity and culture. Justin Ek, 35, of North Mankato, is
co-founder of the event. He remembers how much the event grew from its humble
beginnings in his family’s painting business parking lot, to now spanning multiple
blocks.
Ek says he
hopes that it inspires younger generations that they do belong.
“For our
community to reflect that identity is a huge message to communities around
Minnesota that Mankato is a safe place for people to come and enjoy culture,”
he said. “It reflects the youth that are in our community ... to inspire hope
and that you can see yourself culturally reflected in prominent things within
your community.”
This year’s celebrations are challenging given
what people have been hearing. But, Elisa Chavez, 46, of Janesville, Minn. says
she’s hoping others will come to the festival this weekend.
“It’s a difficult time for our community, but
we’re putting that aside,” Chavez said. “It’s a good time to get together and
spend good time with family, do something different or something that we can
relate to.”
Luis
Alberto Orozco said he’s seen how much the event evolved over the years. When
he arrived in Mankato more than a decade ago as a Minnesota State University,
Mankato student, he worried about finding connections. He says Old Town Day of
the Dead builds relationships.
“Not only
did I get to see other leaders, but then all the people that came to the event
themselves [are] like first-generation Latino, second-generation people,”
Orozco said. “It’s grown so much that it really feels safe to be here for me as
somebody that I can express my culture without feeling afraid.”
And for
others, it’s also about bridging differences and finding common ground. Martha
Croyle, 44, from the Mankato area, says she loves that she can share her
customs with her children. Croyle said she hopes to share with others the
purpose of El Dia de los Muertos.
“We’re all here just to celebrate and have a good time,” Croyle said. “We want to enjoy this colorful culture that brings everybody together. Don't let yourself be overcome by fear. We're stronger together.”
A21X61 X61 FROM TIME
Oct 7,
2025 6:21 PM ET
Trump Is Threatening to Use the Insurrection Act to Deploy Troops in
the U.S. Can He?
By Connor
Greene
As
President Donald Trump’s National Guard deployments to cities across the
country have met with opposition from governors,
city officials, and the
courts, he has repeatedly threatened to invoke a law that would extend his
power to deploy
the military within the U.S.
Trump has
floated the possibility that he could use the
19th-century law, the Insurrection Act, to bypass court rulings that
restrict him from sending Guard troops to American cities over the objections
of local and state officials.
“We have an Insurrection Act for a reason,” Trump
told reporters in the Oval Office on Monday, calling it “a way to get around” pushback from
officials and noting that he would invoke it “if it were necessary, but so far
it hasn’t been necessary.” He described conditions that he said would prompt
him to use the act, including “if people were being killed and courts were
holding us up, or mayors or governors were holding us up.”
In a
meeting with Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney a day later, Trump was asked
again if he would invoke the law. “It's been invoked before,” he responded,
before seeming to suggest he would consider using it in his federal
crackdown in Chicago. “Chicago is a great city where there’s a lot of crime and if the governor can't
do the job, we'll do that job.”
Read
more: ‘Push
Back Against Tyranny’: Chicago and Illinois Fight Trump’s Intensifying
Crackdown
The
comments come as Chicago and Illinois have sued in an effort to stop what they
described as Trump’s “patently unlawful” deployment
of hundreds of National Guard members to the city, and a federal
judge has twice blocked similar efforts to send troops to Portland.
A separate
federal judge ruled early
in September that the deployment of Guard troops in Los Angeles this summer
violated another 19th-century federal law.
That law, the 1878 Posse Comitatus Act, bars the
President from using the military for law enforcement purposes within the U.S.
But the Insurrection Act gives them more authority to deploy the troops
domestically—in specific circumstances.
Here’s
what to know about the act, and how it could be invoked.
What is
the Insurrection Act?
The Insurrection Act, passed in 1807, allows the
President to use the military as they deem “necessary” to enforce the law or suppress
insurrection in the U.S. under
certain conditions.
The text
of the law says it can be invoked at the request of a state, or at the President’s own
volition when they believe that “unlawful obstructions, combinations, or assemblages, or
rebellion against the authority of the United States, make it
impracticable to enforce the laws of the United States in any State by the
ordinary course of judicial proceedings.”
Read
more: Can
the President Activate a State’s National Guard?
But those
conditions are vague, and largely left to interpretation, Chris Mirasola, a professor of
law at The University of Houston Law Center, tells TIME.
“The
statutes are variable, so they don't provide us any definitions about what
these terms mean,” Mirasola says.
He notes
that it is a “common technique of statutory interpretation to use examples of
past practice to give meaning to terms in the statute that are pretty
ambiguous,” pointing to instances when the Insurrection Act has previously been
used—and how they differ from the current situation.
When has it been invoked before?
The Insurrection Act has been invoked on multiple
occasions over the years.
The last
time was in 1992, when President George H.W. Bush deployed
the National Guard, at the request of former California Gov. Pete Wilson,
to suppress unrest in Los Angeles following the acquittal of four white police
officers who were filmed beating Rodney King,
an unarmed black man.
The act
has also been invoked without the permission or request of a state. President
Dwight Eisenhower, for instance, sent the 101st Airborne Division to Little
Rock, Ark., in 1957
against the wishes of the governor to quell opposition to the integration of
Central High School.
Mirasola
tells TIME that when the law was used before, it was in response to “situations
that are far more extreme than what we currently see in Portland or Chicago,”
in which there were “riots and civil disturbances that are so large that
federal functions literally cannot be exercised” and necessitated the
intervention of the military.
The
current conditions, he says, “just don't rise to that level” seen in past uses
of the act.
Read more: Why
Trump Sending the National Guard to L.A. Is Different From
Its
Deployment There in 1992
Trump
himself previously threatened to
use the Insurrection Act during his first term in response to protests that
swept the country after the killing of George
Floyd by Minneapolis police in May 2020. While he did send troops to multiple
cities that summer, he did not ultimately invoke the Insurrection Act,
however.
The
protests that have broken out in cities where Trump has deployed the Guard this
year, such as Los Angeles and Chicago, have been notably smaller than the 2020
demonstrations, and have also been far more minor than the unrest that prompted
the deployment of troops to Los Angeles in 1992.
Could
Trump invoke it—and what would happen if he did?
Mirasola
tells TIME that certain steps would need to be taken to invoke the Insurrection
Act.
First, the
President would have to issue a proclamation that “tells the putative rioters
that they have to disperse,” he says. Then an Executive Order would need to be
signed invoking the authority of the act.
These two
steps, according to Mirasola, happen in quick succession, as when President
Lyndon B. Johnson invoked the act to address unrest during the Civil Rights
era.
If Trump
did invoke the act, Mirasola says, his Administration would likely face
litigation challenging his interpretation of the law and the conditions set
forth in its original statutes.
“I expect
that litigation is going to focus on whether the statutory requirements of the
Act are met,” he says.
State and
local officials have pushed back against Trump's deployment of federal agents
and troops to combat crime and quell protests in their cities as unnecessary.
And those leaders, along with rights groups and the residents of areas where
Trump has sent the National Guard—or threatened to—have raised alarms about his
use of the military in U.S. cities, whether under the Insurrection Act or not.
Read
more: Trump
Signals Greater Use of Military in U.S. Cities, Warning of ‘War From Within’
Rachel Van Cleave, a professor at the McGeorge
School of Law, tells
TIME that Trump’s recent deployments of the Guard and his comments about
invoking the Insurrection Act threaten states’ abilities to govern themselves,
which are protected from federal encroachment under the Posse Comitatus Act and
the 10th Amendment.
“It's
pretty remarkable sending federalized troops into a state over the objections
of the state officials,” she says, calling it “an actual physical intrusion on a state's
sovereignty.”
Van Cleave
also noted that Trump’s deployment of the Guard might detract from the needs of
the states where troops are being sent from, as California argued when members
of its Guard were sent to Los Angeles.
“Yes, I'd
be concerned about that. We have lots of fires in California, and they've been
telling us that the big one is coming again,” she says.
A22X63
X63 FROM TWIN CITIES PIONEER PRESS (mn,)
David Brooks: The death of democracy is happening
within us
In 2020, Democrats won a convincing election victory. They proceeded to do what all victorious parties do. They passed legislation in accord with their priorities, including raising health insurance subsidies to families making up to 400% of the poverty line. They wrote the law so that the subsidies would expire in 2025.
In 2024, the Republicans won a convincing election victory. They proceeded to do what all victorious parties do. They passed legislation in accord with their priorities, including letting the Democrats’ insurance subsidies expire as planned.
If the Democrats were a normal party that believed in democratic principles, they would have planned to go to the voters in the next elections and said: These Republican policies are terrible! You should vote for us!
But of course that’s not what the Democrats decided to do. Instead, they shut down the government. Why did they do that? Because we don’t live in a healthy democracy. We live in a country in which the norms, beliefs and practices that hold up a democracy are dying even in the minds of many of the people who profess to oppose Donald Trump.
Navy loses
two aircraft from USS Nimitz aircraft carrier within 30 minutes, and other top
stories from October 27, 2025.
Daniel Patrick Moynihan once wrote an essay called “Defining Deviancy Down.” His core point was that when the amount of deviant behavior rises, people begin to redefine deviant behavior as normal. This is a column about that.
In a functioning democracy, a politician’s first instinct is to go to the voters and let the voters decide. In a diseased democracy a politician’s first instinct is to amass power by any means necessary. In a healthy democracy politicians abide by a series of formal and informal restraints because those restraints are good for the nation as a whole. In a diseased democracy like ours all the decent rules and arrangements are destroyed. Anything goes.
Trump is destroying democratic norms. Democrats have decided to follow him into the basement. When both parties cooperate to degrade public morality, then nobody even notices as it’s happening.
Government shutdowns became a thing during the Carter administration. The first few shutdowns during the Reagan administration lasted a day or two. Leaders in both parties did not want to face the wrath of voters who would be offended by this level of gridlock and incompetence. Now we’re in our 20th shutdown (depending on how you count them) and nobody cares. Neither political party is paying much of a price because the public has been rendered utterly cynical about government. Nothing is shocking anymore because there are no moral norms left standing.
Let me try to illustrate how deeply this cynicism has penetrated the American mind. When Democrats did decide to shut down the government they could have done it to protest Trump’s historically unprecedented assault on democracy. But instead the Democrats decided to organize their messaging around the expiring health insurance subsidies. Why did they do that? Because they calculated that the American public doesn’t care about democracy’s degradation. It’s been going on so long voters are simply inured to it. So better to talk about Obamacare.
And in fact there are good reasons to think that Americans simply don’t care about their democratic rights. For example, several states are redrawing congressional district maps to come as close as possible to eliminating competitive races. If you live in Texas or California, then you probably will not have to vote in November 2026. The district maps will have been redrawn in a way that makes House elections largely predetermined. By then you will probably have been effectively disenfranchised.
You might think that proud Texans and Californians would be outraged, or that the ruling parties in those states would be destroyed for doing this. Didn’t our ancestors at Valley Forge and on the beaches of Normandy die to preserve our democracy? But do you hear an outcry? No. It’s just crickets. People are used to the idea that the game is already rigged. So what is there left to get upset about so long as your party is ruthless enough to do the rigging?
I don’t think I appreciated how much a democracy depends upon regular people standing up to defend their rights and their powers against the elites who try to usurp them. These days people are happy to give up their rights and power if they can find some strongman or strongwoman willing to take it. This is a much larger part of human nature than I thought.
For example, when I first started covering Congress, in the 1990s, backbench members could pass legislation if they had a good idea and some entrepreneurial mojo. Back then, congressional committees and their chairs were still powerful. Power was dispersed, in true democratic fashion.
But for at least 30 years members of Congress have been content to give away their power. First, they gave the power to leadership, so that today four people basically run the legislative branch. Then they gave power to executive branch agencies, letting more and more key decisions get made by the unelected civil service.
Today, if you are a Republican you have basically given away all your power to Trump. You are a duly elected representative of your constituents, yet you’ve turned yourself into a Trump bobblehead figure who gets to go on Fox News from time to time.
The blunt truth is that a lot of Americans don’t find our founding ideals sacred, so they don’t get upset when the Constitution is trampled, so long as it is their side doing the trampling.
Let me try to describe something that may seem trivial but which I believe is at the core of our rot. It is politicians’ tendency to use the word “fight” in their campaign rhetoric. I noticed this trope when Hillary Clinton ran for president. She was continually promising to “fight” for middle-class Americans. It didn’t bother me then. She was a woman running for an office that had been held entirely by men, so she had to prove she was tough.
But now the “fighting” rhetoric is ubiquitous. MAGA Republicans claim that the old Bush-era Republicans were squishes who didn’t really know how to fight. Democrats are upset with their party leaders because they don’t fight hard enough. Political analysts casually use phrases like “he brought a knife to a gunfight.” I hear “fighting” references constantly in political discourse and every time I do alarm bells go off.
This is no longer just a metaphor. It’s a mindset. We now have a lot of people in this country who do not believe that democracy is about trying to persuade people, it’s about fighting, crushing and destroying people. I don’t agree with philosopher Michel Foucault on much, but he had a point when he observed that a lot of life is about trying to repress the little fascist in each one of us. When people start describing politics as a fight, they are unleashing their inner fascist. Fighting is for fascists.
Democracy is about persuasion. Our Constitution is a vast machine that is supposed to increase the amount of deliberation, conversation and persuasion in society. Our elections are supposed to be raw, rollicking persuasion contests.
Trump’s idiotic rhetoric is not about persuasion. The Democrats’ mind-numbingly repetitive talking points are not about persuasion. The people who want their leaders to “fight” harder just want them to shout their side’s orthodoxies at higher and higher volume. They just want their leaders to ramp up the bellicosity of their rhetoric so that the extremists on their side feel good.
What defines extremists these days? It’s not that they hold ideological extreme positions. It is that they treat politics as if it were war. They use the language, mental habits and practices of warfare. They are letting their inner Mussolini out for a romp.
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Let me give you one quick example of how widely this corruption has pervaded our society. Universities were once about persuasion, truth-seeking and the life of the mind. But over the past half century an ideology has spread through them that holds that persuasion is naive. Ideas are about power. Thus many professors decided their job was indoctrination, not truth-seeking. To impose power so that students think just like they do.
Jon A. Shields, Yuval Avnur and Stephanie Muravchik recently published a study in the magazine Persuasion looking at college syllabuses. As you’d expect, professors assign a lot of left-wing books like Michelle Alexander’s “The New Jim Crow,” about the criminal justice system and race, that align with the official orthodoxy of academia. But there are a lot of other books that dispute the historical claims of books like “The New Jim Crow.” You might think that some professors would assign books on both sides of the issue so students would learn how to weigh evidence and be persuaded. But the researchers estimated that “less than 10% of professors assigning Alexander’s book actually teach the controversy surrounding it.”
Students are completely aware that they are not being educated; they are simply players in a cynical indoctrination game. At Northwestern and the University of Michigan, 88% of students told researchers that they pretend to be more progressive than they are because they think it will help them succeed academically or socially. I saw exactly this kind of performative dishonesty while covering the Soviet Union years ago.
Yes, Trump is launching an assault on democracy. But what worries me more is what has happened over the last few decades to the rest of us. There has been a slow moral, emotional and intellectual degradation — the loss of the convictions, norms and habits of mind that undergird democracy. What worries me most is the rot creeping into your mind, and into my own.
A23 X64
FROM DW (GERMANY)
Democracy falls in majority of countries worldwide
Kate Hairsine with AFP, Reuters
09/11/2025September 11, 2025
A new
report has found serious concerns about the state of global democracy as more
countries slip in democratic performance.
https://p.dw.com/p/50JGp
Global
patterns show that democracy around the world continued to weaken last year,
according to a new report.
The Global State of Democracy 2025, published by the Stockholm-based International
Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA), analyzed democratic
performance in 173 countries in 2024.
In the
report, 94 countries — or just over half of those surveyed — showed a decline
in at least one of the key democracy indicators between 2019 and 2024, the
report said. In comparison, only a third made progress.
"The
current state of democracy in the world is concerning," IDEA Secretary
General Kevin Casas-Zamora said.
Some of
the biggest declines compared to 2019 were seen around the holding of credible
elections, access to justice and having an effective parliament, the report
found.
Africa
accounted for the largest share of the global decline with 33%, followed by
Europe with 25%.
West Asia
is the region ranking lowest on democratic performance.
Europe
dominates democracy rankings
The report highlighted some
positive examples, such Botswana and South Africa making consistent advances when it comes to
credible elections, with both countries holding polls in 2024 that led to
historic changes.
Denmark
was the only country in the top five of all four democratic categories explored
in the study: Representation, rule of law, participation and rights.
These
rankings were dominated by European nations such as Germany, Switzerland,
Norway and Luxembourg, with Costa Rica, Chile and Australia also scoring well.
Press
freedom sees biggest fall in 50 years
The
"very acute deterioration in press freedom," was an important
finding, Keven Casas-Zamora said.
Between
2019 and 2024, the world saw "the biggest drop over the past 50
years," he said.
Press freedoms declined
in 43 countries across all continents, including 15 in Africa and 15 in Europe.
"We've
never seen such an acute deterioration in a key indicator of democratic
health," he said.
Palestinian
journalist Issam Rimawi (left) and DW News correspondent Fanny Facsar were
threatened with weapons and fired on with tear gas by Israeli soldiers while
filming in RamallahImage: DW
Afghanistan, Burkina Faso and Myanmar — already among the poorest performers in
press freedoms — posted the biggest falls, followed by South Korea.
The Asian
nation saw a "spike in defamation cases initiated by the government and
its political allies against journalists, and raids on journalists'
residences," the report found.
Casas-Zamora attributed the global fall in media freedom to a combination of
heavy-handed interventions on the part of governments, pandemic legacies and
"the very negative impact of disinformation."
"Some
of [this] is real disinformation and some of which is used as a pretext by governments
to clamp down on press freedoms," he said.
Declining
democracy in the United States
The report only includes data
from before US President Donald Trump took power in January.
But it
stresses that IDEA has documented instances in which the Trump administration
has "eroded and abolished the rules, institutions and norms that have
shaped US democracy."
The United States ranks lower than
many other OECD countries, sitting at 35th place when it comes to
representation and 32nd for rights.
It only
scores highly for participation, coming in 6th place.
"Some
of the things that we saw during the election at the end of last year and in
the first few months of 2025 are fairly disturbing," Casas-Zamora said.
"Since
what happens in the US has this ability to go global, this does not bode well
for democracy globally," he added.
Edited by:
Sean Sinico
X FROM
POLITICO
By Jonathan Schlefer 09/19/2025 05:00 AM EDT
Jonathan Schlefer is a former senior researcher in political economy at Harvard Business School. He also served as editor-in-chief of MIT Technology Review and is the author of two books, Palace Politics: How the Ruling Party Brought Crisis to Mexico, and The Assumptions Economists Make.
For the last 10 years, we’ve been hearing that President Donald Trump will preside over the end of democracy in America. In liberal circles, that assertion is often accepted as fact. For many, the proof is in the evidence from other countries’ democratic declines.
A whole genre of American political writing is issuing this warning. Perhaps the best known entrant is How Democracies Die, by the Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt. The authors mention a few democracies that fought off authoritarianism but overwhelmingly recount just what the title says: how democracies die. There are many other examples of the genre. “I Watched It Happen in Hungary. Now It’s Happening Here,” announces a former U.S. ambassador. Having shaken hands with “democracy killers” from Thailand to Zambia, Brian Klaas warns in The Atlantic, “American democracy is dying.”
But the United States is different from many of the countries that feature prominently in the “death of democracy” literature. And for Americans concerned about what Trump will do in his second term, the ways other democracies have died isn’t the central concern. Those accounts are a bit like detailing how Covid can kill people but not assessing the chances, depending on age and risk factors, that the disease will kill you.
The real question is whether U.S. democracy will survive or not. The genre hardly asks that question, let alone answers it.
To be sure, Trump does all the same things as the authoritarians Levitsky and Ziblatt studied: He has refused to accept electoral defeats; called political opponents criminals and tried to jail them even while backing his own violent supporters; and lashed out at opponents and the media as “enemies of the people” — a chilling phrase that echoes Soviet dictator Joseph Stalin and the Nazi propagandist Joseph Goebbels.
But Trump’s authoritarianism also resembles that of dangerous populists who failed to kill democracy. Careful studies that never seem to get much press find that only about a fifth of dangerous populists actually kill democracy, including in different regions and across different time spans. If you’re serious about weighing the Trump threat, you should be asking what makes the difference between countries where democracy died and countries where it survives.
A significant difficulty in answering this question arises from the structure of the political science discipline itself. When I got my doctorate some 23 years ago, American politics occupied one subfield and comparative politics (the study of all other nations, often via comparison) occupied another — and never the twain should meet. Levitsky and Ziblatt are comparativists. This division has only begun to soften. It’s difficult to apply lessons from elsewhere to Trump’s America because the U.S. political system does differ starkly from others, but this disciplinary divide has made that problem even harder.
I’m also a comparativist, but where Levitsky and Ziblatt focused on Latin America and pre-World War II Europe (plenty of failed democracies in both), I have looked further and wider, from the old Mexican ruling party to the Greek financial crisis, from how economists think to the divisions splitting American liberals. I have found research outside of the literature on dying democracies that asks relevant and important questions. What can we learn, for instance, from the advanced capitalist democracies that survived the brutal 20th century — two world wars, the Great Depression in the 1930s, stagflation in the 1970s, Soviet and Chinese threats? Only two fell to internal authoritarian threats: Italy and Germany between the world wars.
This is a dire moment for U.S. democracy. To make it worse, the assassination of Charlie Kirk threatens to ratchet up not only the recent surge of political violence but to reanimate the poisonous tradition of political assassination that runs through Martin Luther King., Jr., President John F. Kennedy, the many Black leaders murdered during Jim Crow, and the Civil War. Deranged individuals perpetrated the recent attacks, but shared fear that U.S. politics is at an existential moment as the 2026 and 2028 elections approach surely portends more widespread and equally damaging threats of violence.
What if Americans didn’t see the dangers to our democracy as existential? If we had more faith that our democracy would survive Trump 2.0, it might take some venom out of this political atmosphere. It might provide some institutions more confidence to fight unconstitutional Trump demands — to be more like the law firm Perkins Coie, which fought back and not cave like another law firm, Paul, Weiss. It might make ABC and its affiliates more willing to stand up to threats from the administration to police what comedians like Jimmy Kimmel say on the air. The Democratic Party might pay more attention to what they can do for voters instead of harping on the Trump menace — a theme that obviously didn’t work for them in 2024. All Americans might better see beyond this fraught moment to focus more on solving the problems of a democracy that was already in grave need of repair before Trump made the situation far worse.
A careful comparison with countries that fought off autocratic attempts, as well as those that succumbed, suggests that American democracy might be more resilient than you think. At a minimum, it has crucial advantages over democracies that failed. Three main things stand out: None was nearly so rich. None was nearly so long-lived. And none had a legal establishment tracing its genealogy back to the Magna Carta in 1215.
WEALTH IS
GOOD FOR DEMOCRACY
Rich
democracies rarely die. As the political scientist Seymour Martin Lipset
wrote in 1959, “The more well-to-do a nation, the greater the
chances that it will sustain democracy.” In fact, he added, the idea goes back
to Aristotle. Whether high per capita income can make a nation democratic is
not so clear, and definitions of democracy, let alone calculations of income,
can be squishy, but the general claim that wealth sustains democracy has repeatedly
held up.
The prominent democracy theorist Adam Przeworski of New York University, born in Poland under the Nazis and raised under the Communists, famously observed in 2005 that while democracy had fallen again and again in developing nations, economies richer than Argentina when the military seized control in 1976 had survived a thousand years all told. None had failed, despite “wars, riots, scandals, economic and governmental crises, hell or high water.”
Turkey and Hungary have since broken the “Argentina 1976” threshold. Still, a 2020 study identified only three types of states where per capita income topped $36,000: democracies, petrostates and the wealthy trading hub of Singapore. Longevity matters, too. A 2005 statistical tour de force found that if a presidency survived more than 50 years and had a per capita income more than $23,000, it had a zero percent chance of failing. (Those studies used different base years for the income levels; I have adjusted them for inflation to approximate 2025 equivalents. By comparison, current U.S. GDP per capita is about $86,000.) Statistical studies do not guarantee there will never be outliers, as Przeworski learned. Still, such broad agreement over so many years is powerful.
Why rich, long-lived democracies are strong is actually puzzling, and despite a large literature on why nations democratize and (lately) why they fail, incredibly little has been written on it. Since the result holds for both parliamentary and presidential regimes, political scientists assume it arises less from the structure of political systems than it does from the underlying civil society.
Przeworski suggested that while lower-income societies can erupt in all-or-nothing struggle over scarce resources, wealthy societies develop an existential fear of losing the rule of law, dreading that fate as worse than any particular electoral loss. In fact, a commitment to the rule of law binds sectors of society in advanced capitalist democracies that might otherwise be in conflict. Educated workers are rewarded in those systems, so it makes sense that they want to protect it. But they are often seconded by those who hope they or their children can join this group. Recent immigrants find in developed democracies what their own nations may lack: a credible legal system, better schools, even drinkable water.
We’ve seen plenty of serious damage to democracy lately. But mostly such backsliding doesn’t kill democracy. Using the V-Dem database, which provides literally hundreds of indicators of governance on a scale from democratic to autocratic, researchers at the University of Texas find that in 30 instances of backsliding between 2000 and 2019 (including Trump 1.0), only eight led to democratic breakdown. That’s a failure rate, even once backsliding has occurred, of about 25 percent.
Civil society — big business, law firms, nonprofits, universities, media — fights backsliding. When Orban’s government creates businesses by showering them with contracts and keeps friendly media outlets afloat as the largest advertiser in the nation, they either submit or face ruin. A wealthy society provides such plentiful resources to independent institutions of civil society, and they span so far and wide across the political landscape, that they are effectively impossible to quash. Longevity surely contributes here, too, because the longer those institutions have to mature, the more established they become.
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PRESIDENTS
ARE BETTER FOR DEMOCRACY THAN PRIME MINISTERS
U.S.
democracy has another strength: It’s presidential. The conventional wisdom used
to suggest the opposite. Concerned more with the emergence and consolidation of
democracy than its survival, theorists saw parliamentary systems as more secure.
That’s because prime ministers often lead coalitions of multiple parties,
giving diverse voices some say, and when things go wrong, they can be ousted in
a vote of no confidence far more easily than a president can be impeached.
Also, a few decades ago, presidencies looked unstable partly because the
military routinely overthrew them in Latin America.
Recently, military coups are mostly out as ways to seize power. Instead, the current challenge to democracy has been autocrats who win election and try to grab authoritarian power from within to stay in office, and this is easier in parliamentary systems. Prime ministers by definition command a majority vote of parliament, so the opposition can’t even hope to check them by controlling an upper or lower legislative chamber like in the U.S. Congress. And when multiple parties split the vote, a small majority or even a plurality can sometimes win a supermajority in parliament. Notably, in 2010, with just 53 percent of the vote, Viktor Orban won a two-thirds majority in Hungary’s Assembly. It allowed him to gain domination over the Constitutional Court, rewrite the Constitution, and wily step by wily step, cinch autocratic control without even flaunting the letter of the law.
Presidential checks and balances also complicate the lives of aspiring authoritarians by making it harder to replace judges. Kurt Weyland of the University of Texas identifies 17 dangerous populists since 1980 in presidencies of at least middling strength, such as Argentina or Brazil. Only two succeeded in killing democracy, and those two had an important thing in common.
TRUMP IS
LESS POPULAR THAN SUCCESSFUL AUTOCRATS
Trump’s
support may dismay his opponents, but it’s far lower than he needs to kill off
democracy. In presidential systems of at least middling strength, populists who
defeated democracy since 1980 had approval ratings of 80 percent or more —
nearly twice Trump’s approval rating, which has
been stuck in the 40s both in his first term and so far in his second.
The two presidents who in succeeded in killing Weyland’s democracies were Alberto Fujimori in Peru and Nayib Bukele in El Salvador. Both rose to power by solving major crises that helped them rack up public approval ratings of 80 to 90 percent. When a leader is that popular, centers that might check his power — the military, the courts, congress — may support him (they’re comprised of people too) or at least hesitate to coordinate in opposition.
In Fujimori’s case, one crisis was 10,000 percent inflation; the money that had bought a luxurious house five years earlier could purchase a tube of toothpaste when he took office in 1990. He drastically brought the rate down to much more normal levels. He also halted a civil war waged by Shining Path guerrillas, in which tens of thousands of Peruvians had died.
For his part, Bukele won El Salvador’s presidency in 2019 as a populist outsider who pledged to crack down on gangs that had overrun the county. Covid gave him that chance. He locked the nation down, which held the pandemic death rate to less than a fifth that of Mexico or the United States and also suppressed the homicide rate to a fifth of its 2015 peak. Securing a supermajority in Congress, he purged the judiciary, and that was pretty much that.
While Fujimori stars in the death-of-democracy literature as a cautionary example, President Jorge Serrano of Guatemala barely gets a mention. But Serrano’s experience is more common. Having accomplished little and seen his approval rating drop to 20 percent, in 1993 he tried copying Fujimori, closing Congress and the courts. Massive protests erupted, the Constitutional Court declared his coup illegal, he lost military support and he fled the country. Something similar happened last year in South Korea when an unpopular president’s attempt to impose martial law was thwarted dramatically by parliament and protesters.
The United States isn’t supplying the kind of crisis that could generate for Trump a Fujimori-style level of popular support. Advanced nations rarely do. And it’s doubtful the distractable Trump could solve a good crisis if he lucked into one. After all, he didn’t manage Covid particularly well in his first term, ending his presidency with an approval rating of just 34 percent. His attempts to manufacture crises in his second term, such as by sending troops into Los Angeles or Washington, so far seem more likely to hurt him.
Trump is also failing to expand his base of support. While competent autocrats built alliances with supporters, he keeps alienating them, from Elon Musk, still the richest man in the world, to Ileana Garcia, co-founder of Latinas for Trump. Pardoning Jan. 6 rioters who assaulted the police might fire up Trump’s base but is opposed by two thirds of Americans. Likewise, attacking officials his fertile paranoia imagines to be plotting against him; loosing new tariffs daily; passing a budget bill that will kick many of his supporters off Medicaid while cutting taxes for the wealthy — none of this is likely to help him build support. As job creation stagnates and inflation slowly rises, the very issues Trump campaigned on could weaken him. With around 8 percent more Americans disapproving than approving him, there’s little sign he is on track to reach the soaring level of popularity of successful populists-turned-autocrats.
THE
SUPREME COURT STILL HAS POWER
Experience
shows that, if all else fails, the judiciary is the last bulwark of
democracy. So far, lower courts have repeatedly blocked Trump’s excesses.
Still, the Supreme Court has the last say, and Trump is openly counting on its
justices to endorse his expansions of presidential power. Granted, it is
dominated by conservative Federalist Society justices who have long been
committed to the idea of the “unitary executive.” That idea has led them to
issue some awful emergency decisions: letting Trump replace agency heads with
sycophants, fire government officials by the hundred thousand and block
billions of dollars for programs Congress approved.
But it remains a Federalist Society Court, not a Trumpist Court. In his first term, Trump had the worst record at the Supreme Court in the modern era. Federalist Society judges threw out his ridiculous challenges to the 2020 election again and again. The acting U.S. attorney who recently resigned rather than obey orders to drop corruption charges against New York Mayor Eric Adams belongs to the Federalist Society. Federalist Society lawyers fired from the Justice Department are hanging out shingles to accept clients suing him.
There’s also less than meets the eye to some of the court’s pro-Trump decisions. Trump v. United States, which grants presidents immunity for any acts within their core responsibilities, would let a president order Navy Seals to assassinate a political rival, Justice Sonia Sotomayor charged in her dissent. But that decision does not immunize the Seals. Assassinating a Trump rival would still be murder one for anyone who took part. Or suppose Trump tried to assemble fake electors. As Justice Amy Coney Barrett pointed out in her concurring opinion, managing elections is not a core presidential responsibility — actually, not a responsibility at all — so Trump could well be prosecuted for that.
And the administration has lost some key substantive cases in this term, as well. On March 15, Trump violated a district court order by sending 137 supposed members of a Venezuelan gang under the pretext of the Alien Enemies Act, along with 101 others under normal deportation procedures, to one of Bukele’s notorious jails. But when the administration tried to repeat that trick, the Supreme Court ruled nine to zero — without a single dissent — that the ancient right of habeas corpus requires that all of them be allowed to challenge in court both the constitutionality of the charges and their status as a gang member.
The bottom line is that, unlike Republicans in Congress who fear being primaried by the Trump political machine, federal judges hold life tenure and care how they’re seen by history. Even regarding that Trump v. United States decision, Justice Neil Gorsuch insisted, “We’re writing a rule for the ages.” And for all the court’s seeming willingness to strengthen Trump’s hand over the executive branch, the president’s chances of completely replacing all the justices, as Bukele did, or rewriting the Constitution, as Fujimori did, would seem to be close to zero.
Finally, violating a Supreme Court ruling would generate massive opposition. A Times/Siena College poll found that only 6 percent of Americans would support such a thing. As the examples of Guatemala and South Korea show, aspiring autocrats who grab for power as their popularity wanes are the ones who tend to land in jail or exile.
BAD NEWS
AND GOOD NEWS
To be sure, U.S. democracy has some vulnerabilities most other advanced democracies do not. Inequality is a big one, contributing in no small measure to political polarization and democratic erosion.
High school graduates’ real wages rose a grand 27 cents over the past half century, and workers with less than four years of college did only slightly better. The United States is at the bad end of what political economists call the Great Gatsby Curve, where worse income inequality goes hand-in-hand with worse social mobility. Advanced firms abandoned flyover country for metropolitan areas, robbing public schools of funds, while deaths of despair — from drugs, alcohol and suicide — surged. The Biden administration’s immigration fiasco badly exacerbated existing racial tensions.
However, inequality need not lead to a democratic collapse. Latin American nations that foiled authoritarian bids — such as by Fernando Collor and Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil or by a small handful of Peruvian presidents since 2000 — struggle with equal or worse income inequalities, fierce racial and social divides, ideological antagonism from neoliberalism to reckless Marxism (sometimes alternately espoused by the same famous zealot), and weaponized social media. It’s hard to see why the United States should do worse than these nations.
Along with American democracy’s wealth, longevity and legal tradition, the people are its bulwark. Authoritarians don’t have to be political scientists to know that if they lose public support, they can fall — sometimes ousted at a sudden tipping point, as in Eastern Europe in 1989. To try to manufacture an appearance of strength, Trump exaggerates his support, broadcasts favorable lies, attacks critical media and tries to cow opponents.
This might help explain why Trump is unnerved by public protests. Drawing on a comprehensive database of civil disobedience, Erica Chenoweth of the Harvard Kennedy School has estimated that when 3.5 percent of the population has risen in nonviolent protest against autocrats, almost 90 percent of them have fallen. It’s a rule of thumb that mostly worked in the past, Chenoweth cautions, not a guarantee that a 3.5 percent protest rate will work now. Most of the protests in the database occurred before widespread social media, so the more sustained efforts needed to organize them might have been crucial.
Still, Chenoweth underlines citizens’ vital role in democracy. In fact, her analysis is that even 1 percent protests took down almost half of the autocrats they were directed against. Some 5 million Americans — 1.5 percent — joined the No Kings protest against Trump in July, according to organizers, which would make it the third largest protest in U.S. history.
Massive protests matter in part because they signal wider agreement. The drivers who passed No Kings protests across the nation honking in support weren’t among the 5 million, but they count too, as do those feeling discontent but taking notice as they were cleaning their kitchens or mowing their lawns. Living individual lives, citizens may not be aware of others’ thinking. Protest makes known resistance that would otherwise remain merely private and implicit.
Large, peaceful protests also signal to powerful elites in the military, business, courts, legislature, even the ruling coalition, that the current state of affairs is going badly. Elites are citizens, too, and often divided, even in military governments. Protests give some permission to powerful elites and allies to at least remain neutral, if not abandon support for a regime. Other coalition members, strategically calculating odds based on what they see, may keep an eye out for signs they should desert so as not to be caught on a sinking ship.
Despite his bluster, Trump is probably worried. He should be. American democracy is wounded. But, however awful its deterioration feels, it’s a long way from dead.
AS
OPPOSED TO…
x@ FROM GUK
American democracy might not survive another year – is Europe ready for that?
Trapped between Putin and Trump, EU citizens understand the grave dangers facing the continent. Their leaders urgently need to face reality, too
By Alexander Hurst Thu 2 Oct 2025 00.00 EDT
Fascism is supposed to look a certain way: black-clad, uniformed, synchronised and menacing. It is not supposed to look like an overweight president who can’t pronounce acetaminophen and who bumbles, for a full minute, about how he would have renovated the UN’s New York headquarters with marble floors, rather than a terrazzo. But as Umberto Eco remarked in his timeless essay on identifying the eternal nature of fascism: “Life is not that simple. Ur-Fascism can come back under the most innocent of disguises.”
Historians, scholars and even some insiders from the first Trump administration have seen through the comedic quality of the disguise. They appear to have seen in Donald Trump himself and those around him, Eco’s core criteria: the call to tradition and the rejection of reason, the fear of difference, the hostility towards disagreement, the ressentiment, the machismo, the degradation of language into newspeak, the cult of a “strong” leader. Almost a year ago, the historian Robert Paxton, in explaining why he had changed his mind about employing the word to describe Trumpism, remarked: “It’s bubbling up from below in very worrisome ways, and that’s very much like the original fascisms. It’s the real thing. It really is.”
Since then, the Trump administration has deployed the US military and National Guard to cities against the will of their state governors. It has put pressure on state legislatures to disenfranchise opposition voters in extraordinary ways, and floated the idea of disenfranchising all voters residing outside the US by ending mail-in voting. It has used the power of the state to censor books, bully the media and “cancel” comedians who regularly make fun of Trump. It has seized executive power in alarming and potentially illegal ways, including the use of tariffs, immigration policy and targeted exemptions to generate subservience among powerful corporate actors.
An over-fixation on whether actions are legal or not misses the forest for the trees: constitutionality is, practically speaking, whatever the supreme court decides. If the supreme court acquiesces to fundamental changes in the nature of what the US is, that is merely one more sign of how deep the rot goes. And from concrete policy to the decision to publicly venerate the Confederacy, the intended direction of travel is clear.
The disguise dropped a little bit more, in the aftermath of Charlie Kirk’s murder – one more tragic datapoint in the merging of the US’s epidemic of gun violence and its growing political violence. At his strange funeral-rally-spectacle, Stephen Miller, the White House deputy chief of staff, gave a speech dripping with everything Eco sought to warn us against, raging against a diffuse “they” who “cannot conceive of the army they have arisen in all of us”. “You are nothing,” Miller continued. “You have nothing. You are wickedness. You are jealousy. You are envy. You are hatred. You are nothing. You can build nothing. You can produce nothing.”
In the past year, as Trump and those behind him have dismantled the institutions of US democracy with incredible speed, the European conversation finally moved from denial to attempts at bargaining, with some acceptance of US disengagement and disinterest going forward. But there has been almost no space for a high-level, public conversation about what to do when the US government is, for the foreseeable future, in the hands of actors hostile to the EU’s basic raison d’être and its values.
I understand why European leaders don’t want to have this conversation openly with voters. They fear that alienating Trump, even slightly, will lead him to drop US support for Ukraine. The cleverest think they can buy time by flattering Trump, manipulating him just long enough to find a better footing, while the blindly optimistic look to the 2026 midterms as an inflection point, and some sort of “return to normal”. But the midterms will not save us. As the Democrats’ elections attorney Marc Elias laid out in detail for The New Yorker, the 2026 elections will probably not be wholly free and fair, and even where they are, Trump’s prior history of insurrection indicates that the results very well might not be honoured. And Trump is already laying the groundwork to drop Ukraine fully into Europe’s lap.
During the first Trump administration, we heard, ad nauseam, that he should be taken seriously, but not literally. It was a mistake then, and it’s a mistake now. When Trump says, “I hate my opponent and I don’t want the best for them”, we in Europe (“a foe,” remember?) should take him literally. The radical authoritarian agenda the Trump administration is pursuing domestically matters to Europe. A US with a new, masked, secret immigration police with nearly unlimited funds, whose “red” government deploys its military to “blue” cities, and uses the criminal justice system to exact retribution on political opponents at the president’s behest – in short, the end of the rule of law – necessarily affects European democracy. Not least, because the Trump administration is engaged in a culture war against Europe, promoting forces that seek to destroy it as it currently exists.
European voters are out in front of the politicians on this one. The spring Eurobarometer survey showed that large majorities of citizens want the EU to protect them from crises and security risks, think the EU needs more financial means to do so, and support that new funding coming from the EU as a whole, rather than member states alone. A survey of the EU’s five biggest states, France, Germany, Spain, Italy and Poland, found that 52% think the EU was humiliated in the recent trade deal with the US. They blame the commission for not “defending” Europe more ardently, with a strong minority of 39% wanting the bloc to become more “oppositional” to Trump.
Timothy Garton Ash recently gave Americans 400 days to save their democracy. As an American, I don’t think the country has that long. As Europeans, we should assume that it does not.
Europeans are ready for an honest conversation about the challenge Europe faces from Trump – the same way they’ve solidified in the face of aggression from Vladimir Putin. The danger lies in Europe’s leaders fudging, hesitating and avoiding this conversation. If they cannot lead with candour, voters will conclude that European democracy and its institutions are too weak to withstand the pincer move that is building against it.
Alexander Hurst is a Guardian Europe columnist
X FROM ECRF.EU
Americans have 400 days to save their democracy
I never
thought I’d see fear spread so far and fast. Next year’s midterm elections are
now crucial for the Democratic party—and for democrats everywhere
By Timothy Garton Ash, Professor of European Studies, University of Oxford 17 September 2025
I return to Europe from the US with a clear conclusion: American democrats (lowercase d) have 400 days to start saving US democracy. If next autumn’s midterm elections produce a Congress that begins to constrain Donald Trump there will then be a further 700 days to prepare the peaceful transfer of executive power that alone will secure the future of this republic. Operation Save US Democracy, stages one and two.
Hysterical hyperbole? I would love to think so. But during seven weeks in the US this summer, I was shaken every day by the speed and executive brutality of Trump’s assault on what had seemed settled norms of US democracy and by the desperate weakness of resistance to that assault. There is a growing body of international evidence to suggest that once a liberal democracy has been eroded, it is very difficult to restore it. Destruction is so much easier than construction.
US democracy needs Congress, the principal check on presidential power envisaged in the US constitution, to start doing its job again. That will not happen so long as the Republicans, dominated and intimidated by Trump, control both houses
That is why all democrats, irrespective of party or ideology, must hope the Democrats regain control of the House of Representatives in midterm elections on November 3rd 2026. Not because of the Democrats’ policies, which are a muddle, or their current leadership, which is a mess—but simply because US democracy needs Congress, the principal check on presidential power envisaged in the US constitution, to start doing its job again. That will not happen so long as the Republicans, dominated and intimidated by Trump, control both houses.
Much has been made of comparisons to other authoritarian power grabs, from Europe in the 1930s to Viktor Orban’s Hungary, but I am most struck by the distinctive features of the US case. To name just four: excessive executive power; chronic gerrymandering; endemic violence; and the way a would-be authoritarian can exploit the intense capitalist competition that permeates every area of US life.
The danger of executive overreach has been there from the very beginning. Revolutionary war hero Patrick Henry (“give me liberty or give me death”) voted against the constitution at the Virginia ratifying convention in 1788 precisely because he thought it would give a criminal president the chance “to make one bold push for the American throne”. Throughout the 20th century, presidents of both parties extended the “executive power” that is so ill-defined in article two of that constitution. More recently, a conservative-dominated supreme court has given succour to the unitary executive theory developed by right-wing legal theorists, which gives the most expansive reading of presidential power. And now the Trump administration—well prepared, unlike in 2017—has exploited every inch and wrinkle of existing executive power, as well as simply breaking the law and defying the courts to stop it.
Tom Ginsburg, a leading US comparative constitutionalist, argues that the biggest single flaw of the unreformed US constitution is that it gives state legislatures the power to draw electoral boundaries. The word gerrymandering was coined as early as 1812. In recent times, partisan redistricting has become more extreme as US politics has become more polarised. And then, in 2019, the supreme court declared that it could not correct even the most blatant party-political gerrymandering (only that done on racial lines). So now, at Trump’s direct request, Texas sets out to change constituency boundaries explicitly to win five more seats for the Republicans in the midterms, whereupon California says it will counter-gerrymander to win five more for the Democrats. There is no longer even a bare pretence of impartiality about the most basic procedure of democracy.
No European society can compare to the US for the ubiquity of violence. Hardly a day passed this summer without the evening news reporting at least one violent crime, including yet another horrific school shooting. The US has more guns than people. France loves its pseudo-revolutionary political theatre, but the US had the January 6th 2021 mob assault on the Capitol. Now the right-wing activist Charlie Kirk has been shot. Before the identity of the killer was known, Elon Musk said “the left is the party of murder” and Trump blamed the hate speech of the “radical left”. It will be a miracle if the US avoids a downward spiral of political violence, as last seen in the 1960s. That in turn could be the pretext for Trump to invoke the 1807 Insurrection Act, bring more military on to US streets and further exploit an alleged state of emergency.
Meanwhile, universities, business leaders, law firms, media platforms and tech supremos have utterly failed to engage in collective action in response. They have either kept their heads down, settled humiliatingly like Columbia University and the law firm Paul, Weiss, or fawned on the president, like Mark Zuckerberg. Why? Because they all follow the logic of fierce free-market competition and fear targeted reprisals. I never imagined I would see fear spread so far and fast in the US.
Add in attempts to disqualify or intimidate voters, plus Trump’s threat to ban mail-in ballots, and there is a real doubt how far next November’s midterm elections will be fully free and fair. The task for democrats of all parties is to ensure they are, so far as possible. The task for the Democrats (capital D) is to win them in spite of any such obstacles.
The key to that will probably still be bread-and-butter issues. Here, in the economy, lies paradoxical hope. We are already beginning to see Trump’s tariffs feed through into higher prices. The job numbers are weakening. Trump’s “big beautiful bill” will further increase an already gobsmacking national debt of $37tn (around €31.8trn). Already in the 2024 fiscal year, servicing that debt cost more than the entire $850bn (€731bn) defence budget. But until a debt crisis actually hits, such macro-risks remain remote and abstract to most voters, rather as predictions of diminished GDP growth made little impact in the Brexit referendum debate.
So the big question is whether the negative economic consequences of Trump will be palpable to ordinary voters before the midterms. One astute political observer suggested to me that Trump, flush with revenue from the new tariffs, could do a pre-election cash handout to voters, perhaps presented as compensation for the “temporary difficulties” of the transition to a MAGA economy. That would be a classic populist move.
The single most important thing for the Democrats in the next 400 days is therefore to bring those economic costs irresistibly home to voters. Democrats will not win just by talking about the defence of democracy, important though that is, let alone by engaging in culture wars. They need to follow the advice of Bill Clinton’s former adviser James Carville and focus relentlessly on kitchen-table issues. In doing so, they will also show that they do actually care about the ordinary working- and middle-class Americans whose support they have lost over the last 30 years.
Then there is stage two, the presidential election in 2028. But sufficient unto the day are the challenges thereof. Despite all the serious threats to democracy itself in the US, for now the first rule of democratic politics still applies: just win the next election.
This article was originally published in the Guardian on September 16th 2025
@
RESISTANCE
@ legal
A24X
71 X71 FROM USA TODAY
Trump can't deploy National Guard in Illinois, but troops can stay,
court rules
President
Donald Trump can still federalize the National Guard, the court ruled.
By Eduardo Cuevas
A federal
appeals court on Oct. 11 said the Trump administration cannot deploy the National Guard in Illinois.
But the brief ruling by the Court of Appeals for
the 7th Circuit, located in Chicago, said President Donald Trump can
still federalize the National Guard. The ruling said troops already deployed
don’t need to return home for now.
The appellate ruling largely upholds an Oct.
9 temporary restraining order by a federal district judge in the Northern
District of Illinois that prevented the administration from deploying troops in
the state. In her opinion, Judge April Perry wrote the
National Guard deployment “is likely to lead to civil unrest.”
The
Chicago area has been at the center of the administration’s sweeping
immigration crackdown, dubbed Operation Midway Blitz. Protests have erupted in response, particularly in
front of an Immigration and Customs Enforcement facility in the suburb of
Broadview.
The
administration had deployed National Guard troops from Illinois and Texas in
response to what it described as violent clashes between protesters and agents
in the Midwestern state and Chicago, the nation’s third-largest city. Local and
state officials said the federal government is exaggerating facts on the
ground.
The state
of Illinois and city of Chicago sued the Trump administration to oppose sending
troops to the Democrat-led city and state. U.S. Justice Department lawyers
appealed Perry's ruling on Oct. 10.
Spokespeople
for both Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker and Chicago Mayor Brandon Johnson didn’t
immediately respond to email requests for comment. The White House didn’t
immediately respond to an email request.
Trump has
also sent National Guard to other heavily blue cities, against local officials’
wishes. In Memphis, Tennessee National Guard began patrolling the city on
Oct. 10, city officials announced. Republican state officials welcomed the
administration’s action.
Elsewhere, Portland, Oregon, Washington, D.C., and Los Angeles have seen federal troops sent
by the GOP administration. Judges in California and Oregon have found deployments illegal and
unwarranted.
a25X
72 X72 FROM TANGLE
Q: Stephen Miller said President Trump had ‘plenary authority.’ What does that mean?
— Rory from Princeton Junction, New Jersey
Tangle: First, the definition: According
to the Legal Information Institute at Cornell Law School, “plenary
authority” means power that is
“complete, comprehensive, and not subject to significant limitation.”
As for the
comment, Stephen Miller, the
White House deputy chief of staff who has been responsible for much of
President Donald Trump’s immigration enforcement policy, recently cited
“plenary authority” to justify the deployment of the National Guard to Los
Angeles, Chicago, and Portland. While giving an interview to CNN on Monday,
Miller said “Under
Title 10 of the U.S. Code, the president has ‘plenary authority,’”
before pausing during the interview.
The
network said that a technical
glitch resulted in audio from a different channel being sent to Miller’s
earpiece, causing him to pause.
When the
interview resumed, Miller clarified his point. “Under federal law, Title 10 of
the U.S. Code, the president has the authority, anytime he believes federal
resources are insufficient, to federalize the National Guard to carry out a
mission necessary for public safety,” Miller said. Title 10 is a portion
of federal law covering the military.
Miller is correct that
the constitution and federal law do give the president authority to deploy
troops in the U.S. to respond to an invasion or insurrection, or if law
enforcement is unable to execute the law without assistance. The president
also does have narrow
“plenary” power over the number of troops to send on a deployment.
However,
Miller’s argument that the situation in cities justifies the use of this
authority is not nearly as straightforward. For context, Miller has been
publicly constructing an argument that broad illegal immigration and
lawlessness in U.S. cities justify federal troop deployment. He has laid the
groundwork for this argument by referring to illegal
immigration as an “invasion” and, more recently, describing a
confrontation between protesters and ICE agents outside Chicago as “domestic
terrorism and seditious insurrection.”
Federal
judges have blocked troop deployments to Los Angeles and Chicago under the
president’s (and Miller’s) rationale, but an appeals court just allowed the Guard’s
deployment to Portland. So, while the president does have meaningful authority
over military deployments, Miller’s one-time (and potentially accidental)
characterization of that authority as “plenary” is much more dubious.
A26X73 @get last legal
Time
Oct 28,
2025 2:10 PM ET
Stephen Miller Claims ICE Agents Have Immunity. Is That True?
Stephen Miller, White House Deputy Chief of Staff and
architect of some of President Donald Trump’s harshest immigration policies,
has claimed that federal agents carrying out arrests and deportations are
immune from prosecution.
In a
recent interview on Fox News, Miller hit out at opposition to the Trump
Administration’s plans to carry out the largest mass deportation in United
States history, accusing Illinois Gov. J.B. Pritzker of “seditious conspiracy”
for his attempts to block those efforts and threatening his arrest.
Read More: Even With Tons of Money, ICE Finds
Obstacles in Hiring 10,000 New Agents
Miller
also announced in a message to agents with the Immigration and Customs
Enforcement (ICE) agency: “You have federal immunity in the conduct of your
duties. And anybody who lays a hand on you or tries to stop or obstruct you is
committing a felony.”
ICE and
Border Patrol agents have been the tip of the spear for Trump’s hardline
deportation agenda, deploying to cities around the country to conduct arrests
and raids of anyone in the country illegally.
Agents
from those agencies have been accused of using increasingly aggressive tactics to meet ambitious
arrest targets set by Miller and the Trump Administration, which has sparked
protests and opposition across the country.
Several
high-profile incidents have highlighted those tactics. ICE agents joined with
Border Patrol to conduct what Pritzker described as a “military-style” raid at a Chicago apartment building
earlier this month. One ICE officer in New York was removed from duty after he
forcibly threw a woman to the floor at an immigration court, only to return a week later. Another ICE agent fatally shot a Mexican immigrant in Illinois
during an arrest attempt, and incidents between ICE, protesters and journalists
outside of an ICE facility in Chicago created the basis for the case against
the Administration for alleged violations of First and Fourth Amendment rights,
which led to a judge granting a temporary restraining order blocking federal
agencies from using forceful tactics to stop protesters or journalists.
Those
incidents have prompted some District Attorneys to say they would seek
prosecutions of ICE agents who break the law in their jurisdictions.
So are ICE
agents really immune, as Miller claims?
'Necessary
and proper'
Stephen
Vladeck, a professor of law at the Georgetown University Law Center, argues
no—at least on its face.
“The
federal government absolutely retains the ability to prosecute federal law
enforcement officers who break the law, even in the course of carrying out
their duties,” Vladeck writes in a newsletter published Monday.
Vladeck
argues that while these agents are protected by an immunity doctrine, that
doctrine is not as absolute as Miller makes it out to be.
Miller is
relying on the doctrine known as “Supremacy
Clause immunity.” This immunity protects federal officers from
state criminal prosecution when they are carrying out their official duties
under federal law, provided their actions were "necessary and
proper."
Read more: Inside
Chicago’s Battle With Trump
This makes
sense, Vladeck says, since “[o]therwise, states could criminalize the very
conduct that federal law enforcement officers engage in and thereby thwart the
enforcement of any federal law with which they disagree,” including things like
anti-discrimination laws.
The
“necessary and proper” idea, though, is up for much debate, and could lead to
holes in Miller’s claim, as Vladeck points to lower circuit decisions that federal
agents are not given this immunity unless their behavior would be found to be
“reasonable.” If these agents are acting outside of their federal authority,
that immunity would not be as air-tight.
“Even at
its most robust, Supremacy Clause immunity would not preclude a local or state
prosecution of ICE officers for all scope-of-employment conduct,” Vladeck says.
Howard
Bashman, an appellate lawyer and legal columnist, agrees.
"Even
as an argument about state criminal
prosecutions, that claim is overstated at best," he wrote on his blog.
The
comments come a week after Democratic Rep. Dan Goldman, who represents New
York, sent a letter to New York City Police Commissioner Jessica Tisch, calling
on NYPD officers to be trained and equipped to arrest and prosecute federal
agents who break state laws.
“ICE’s own
policy makes clear agents cannot assert civil immigration enforcement authority
over U.S. citizens,” Goldman wrote to Tisch. “Yet, under the Trump
administration, there have been dozens of credible reports—some recorded on
video—showing the agency doing exactly that, with violence and impunity.”
Several
other District Attorneys and lawmakers claim that their offices would file
charges against ICE agents breaking the law. For example, San Francisco District
Attorney Brooke Jenkins said her office would review any “clear, excessive use
of force” by federal agents and file charges if warranted.
@ polls and protests
X81 X81 transcribe signs
A27@X81
FROM USA TODAY
The most poignant, funny and outlandish signs at 'No Kings' protests
against Trump

Angela Letney, left, and Michelle Bryant participate in the "No Kings" protest against the Trump administration at the Oregon State Capitol in Salem on Oct. 18. From New York to San Francisco, millions of Americans are expected to hit the streets to voice their anger over President Donald Trump's policies at nationwide "No Kings" protests.
Abigail Dollins/Statesman Journal

People participate in a "No Kings" national day of protest in New York on October 18, 2025.
TIMOTHY
A.CLARY, AFP Via Getty Images
People participate in a "No Kings" national day of protest in Boston, Massachusetts, on October 18, 2025.
JOSEPH PREZIOSO, AFP Via Getty Images

Protestors gather for the second "No Kings" protest on October 18, 2025 in Chicago, Illinois.
Scott
Olson, Getty Images
People participate in a "No Kings" national day of protest in Howell, Michigan, on October 18, 2025.
JEFF KOWALSKY, AFP Via Getty Images

People participate in a "No Kings" national day of protest in Howell, Michigan, on October 18, 2025.
JEFF
KOWALSKY, AFP Via Getty Images
A sign reads "1 King Dr. King" at a "No Kings" national day of protest in Los Angeles on October 18, 2025.
Daniel Cole, REUTERS

A young attendee holds a sign that reads "Little Girls Against Big Egos," at the "No Kings" protest in New York City on October 18, 2025.
Shannon
Stapleton, REUTERS
A protestor holds a sign featuring cartoon character Bart Simpson at the "No Kings" protest October 18, 2025 in Washington, D.C.
Leah Millis, REUTERS

People participate in a "No Kings" national day of protest in West Palm Beach, Florida, on October 18, 2025.
CHANDAN
KHANNA, AFP Via Getty Images
People participate in a "No Kings" national day of protest in Howell, Michigan, on October 18, 2025.
JEFF KOWALSKY, AFP Via Getty Images

People participate in a "No Kings" national day of protest in Washington, DC, on October 18, 2025.
AMID
FARAHI, AFP Via Getty Images
People participate in a "No Kings" national day of protest in Boston, Massachusetts, on October 18, 2025.
JOSEPH PREZIOSO, AFP Via Getty Images

Jessica Larned with her popular 'Let them eat cake' sign standing on 520. Thousands showed up for the ‘No Kings’ protest in Cocoa at the intersection of US 1 and Highway 520 on Saturday.
, Malcolm
Denemark, FLORIDA TODAY
Demonstrators begin to gather for the "No Kings" protest on October 18, 2025 in Chicago, Illinois.
Scott Olson, Getty Images

Protesters fill the North Green on the University of Delaware campus to demonstrate against the Trump administration in a No Kings protest in Newark, Delaware, Oct. 18, 2025.
William
Bretzger/Delaware News Journal
People participate in a "No Kings" national day of protest in West Palm Beach, Florida, on October 18, 2025.
CHANDAN KHANNA, AFP Via Getty Images

People participate in a "No Kings" national day of protest in New York on October 18, 2025.
ROBERTO
SCHMIDT, AFP Via Getty Images
People participate in a "No Kings" national day of protest in Washington, DC, on October 18, 2025.
AMID FARAHI, AFP Via Getty Images
A28X
82 X82 from TIME
Millions Attend ‘No Kings’ Protests Against Trump in Towns and Cities Across the U.S.
by Richard Hall and Rebecca Schneid Oct 18, 2025 1:13 PM ET
Millions
of Americans took to the streets on Saturday in nationwide mass protests
against what they perceive to be rising authoritarianism and
corruption under President Donald Trump.
More than
2,700 “No
Kings” rallies were due to be held in all 50 states in what is thought
to be the largest mobilization against the Trump Administration over the
president's two terms.
Organizers
estimated some 7 million people protested across the country in suburbs, towns
and most major cities. Huge crowds were reported in New York, Washington, D.C.,
Los Angeles, Chicago and Boston. Protests were also seen in deep red states—in
Birmingham, Alabama and Billings, Montana. Some experts have speculated that
the demonstrations could be the largest in modern U.S. history.
“Today,
millions of Americans stood together to reject authoritarianism and remind the
world that our democracy belongs to the people, not to one man’s ambition,”
Ezra Levin and Leah Greenberg, co-founders of Indivisible, which helped
organize the event, said in a statement.
The
protests come in response to an unprecedented use of presidential power by
Trump in his second term. Since January, Trump has ordered the National
Guard into Democratic-run cities to quell protests and aid in
immigration enforcement, launched a crackdown on left-wing and
liberal groups, and implemented a sweeping mass deportation program that
has seen masked federal agents engaged in
military-style raids and detaining people without due process.
The 'No
Kings' rallies earned the backing of Democrats from across the ideological
spectrum. Former presidential candidates Kamala Harris and Hillary Clinton have
both given their support, along with progressive Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez
and independent Senator Bernie Sanders.
Taking to
the stage at the rally in Washington, D.C., Sanders told the crowd: "We're
here because we love America."
“This
moment is not just about one man’s greed, one man’s corruption, or one man’s
contempt for the constitution,” Sanders said, calling out the billionaires who
attended Trump’s inauguration, specifically calling out Tesla CEO Elon Musk,
Jeff Bezos, and Mark Zuckerberg. “This is about a handful of the wealthiest
people on earth, who in their insatiable greed, have hijacked our economy and
our political system in order to enrich themselves at the expense of working
families throughout this country.”
Bill Nye,
beloved children’s television program host known for “Bill Nye the Science
Guy,” also addressed D.C. protestors, lamenting the Trump Administration's
treatment of scientists—likely addressing the major
cuts that have occurred at the Department of Health and Human Services
(HHS) under new head Robert F. Kennedy Jr.
"They
do not promote the progress of science. They suppress it, to the detriment of
our health, well-being, and international competitiveness,” he said.
Protests
were organized all over the country so that most Americans were only an hour
away from a planned event. Jill Ortman-Fouse, a community organizer in Silver
Spring, Maryland, told TIME that the protest there had doubled in size since
the last 'No Kings' event in June. Another woman whose job has been impacted
indirectly by the federal furlough of workers, and who brought her one-year-old
son to the protest in Silver Spring for the second time, told TIME she was
Jewish and “grew up hating fascism, so to see it happening here is
heartbreaking. It’s an assault on my soul.”
Read More: We
Can Stop the Rise of American Autocracy
The first
'No Kings' day
of protest in June, attended by an estimated five million people, was
largely peaceful, although isolated clashes broke out between police and
demonstrators in several cities.
Organizers
had raised fears ahead of the protest that Trump and his allies would use the
protests as an excuse to launch further crackdowns on dissent.
In Texas,
Republican Gov. Greg Abbott announced National
Guard deployments in Austin, citing what he called possible threats from
“antifa-linked” demonstrators. Democrats there accused him of using the Guard
to intimidate protesters.
The
American Civil Liberties Union, Indivisible, MoveOn and the American Federation
of Teachers say they are taking extra precautions, focusing on de-escalation
and community safety, and distributing guidance on how to respond peacefully if
met with aggression by law enforcement or counterprotesters.
“They
might try to paint this weekend’s events as something dangerous,” said Diedre
Schlifeling, the ACLU’s chief political and advocacy officer. “But the reality
is there is nothing unlawful or unsafe about organizing and attending peaceful
protests. It’s the most patriotic and American thing you can do.”
Read
more: The
Potential Power, and Perils, of the ‘No Kings’ Protests
Kamala
Harris was among many top Democrats who urged people to join the rallies.
“In our
country, the power is with the people, and tomorrow I encourage everyone to get
out there in peaceful protest of what is happening in our country and express
our voice around the country we believe in,” Harris, who lost to Trump in the
2024 presidential election, said in a video posted to social media on Saturday.
Trump has
said very little about the protests, but made a passing remark on Friday before
departing for his Mar-a-Lago resort in Palm Beach, Florida.
"They
say they're referring to me as a king. I'm not a king," Trump told Fox
News.
The
president arrived at his golf club in West Palm Beach on Saturday morning, a
few hours ahead of the protests.
Top
members of Trump’s Republican Party have condemned the protests. House Speaker
Mike Johnson called the demonstrations against the Trump Administration a “Hate
America rally” and claimed it would draw the “pro-Hamas wing” of the Democratic
Party and “the antifa people.”
Treasury
Secretary Scott Bessent described expected participants as “the farthest left,
the hardest core, the most unhinged in the Democratic Party.” Republican Sen.
Roger Marshall of Kansas suggested the National Guard might need to show up.
In a press
conference on Thursday, organizers accused Republicans of attempting to
intimidate people from attending. “Now they are trying to smear millions of
Americans who are coming out to protest so that they can justify and crack down
on peaceful dissent,” said Leah Greenberg, co-founder of Indivisible, one of
the groups that organized the event. “It is the classic authoritarian playbook—threaten,
smear and lie—but we will not be intimidated.”
Demonstrators
have also gathered in cities throughout Europe for their own versions of No
Kings Protests, including in Paris, Berlin, Sweden, and Madrid. Dutch
News describes the Amsterdam protest, including posters that decry the
Trump Administration’s immigration crackdown: “I like my Democracy neat. Hold
the ICE,” one poster they photograph read.
This is a
developing story.
—
Additional reporting by Nik Popli and Lissa August
Must-Reads
from TIME
Millions
Expected to Rally Across U.S. in ‘No Kings Day’ Protests Against Trump
‘Free
America’: Anti-Trump Administration Protests Planned Across U.S. on July 4
Anti-Trump
Protests Planned Across U.S. for Labor Day: ‘We Have to Stop the Billionaire
Takeover’
More Than
1,500 ‘No Kings’ Protests Planned Amid Trump Crackdown on L.A. Demonstrations
‘No Kings’ Organizers Predict Peaceful Gathering of Millions Amid Fears of Law Enforcement Crackdown
A29X86 FROM THE NATION
How Blue
States Can Fight the MAGA Backlash
The
unconstitutional targeting of constituencies Trump dislikes calls for
coordinated acts of resistance.
David
Faris October 16, 2025
Shortly
after the first government shutdown since 2019 began earlier this month, Office
of Management and Budget Director Russell Vought announced that he was freezing $8
billion in infrastructure projects exclusively in states that voted for Kamala
Harris. The projects that Vought consigned to funding purgatory included
a multibillion-dollar renovation and expansion of the Hudson Tunnel from New Jersey to New York
City and an extension of the Chicago Transit Authority’s Red Line. As has
become the unapologetic norm in this vengeance-minded administration, President
Donald Trump did not bother to
hide the real motivation for these cuts. “We can get rid of a lot of things
that we didn’t want, and they’d be Democrat things,” he said.
Since his election, Trump has talked about and
treated blue states not as equals under America’s increasingly distressed
system of federalism but rather like defeated vassals who must pay tribute to
their new emperor in the form of policy capitulations and abrogations of their
constitutional rights.
The cumulative impact of these transgressions—inflicted under the explicit
mandate to make blue states suffer—is the gravest threat to the centuries-old constitutional union
of American states since the Civil War. And until leading Democrats at
the federal and state level understand and articulate the scale of Trump’s plot
to subjugate blue states as subservient, underfunded entities under the new
MAGA regime of abusive federalism, they will be incapable of leading the
national campaign of direct action that is the only way to stop it.
At this
point, the litany of hardball maneuvers deployed against states that voted for
Kamala Harris in 2024 is long enough that it can’t fit in a single article. The
Trump regime has aggressively and illegally targeted both Democratic leaders
and their supporters. Federal agents have arrested the Democratic
mayor of Newark and a Democratic member of the House,
and assaulted a Democratic US senator on camera. Trump’s Mob-like Justice
Department has targeted prominent Democrats like California Senator Adam Schiff
and New York Attorney General Letitia James for vindictive investigations and
prosecutions, with more to come.
Last week,
Trump escalated this campaign of autocratic intimidation by screaming on
his fourth-tier microblogging website that Illinois Governor J.B. Pritzker and
Chicago Mayor Brandon Johnson should be imprisoned. His corrupt henchman—er,
“immigration czar”—Tom Homan has distributed threats of arrest on cable news
like he’s tossing paper towels to hurricane victims, against everyone from New
York Democratic Representative
Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez to California Governor Gavin Newsom. These forays into
state-sponsored ideological intimidation no longer require even a fig leaf of
legal pretext, since Trump and his cabinet goons can count on the reliably servile US Attorney
General Pam Bondi to do whatever the administration asks—very much counter
to the Justice Department’s mission.
ICE’s
rapidly metastasizing deportation complex has also disproportionately targeted
blue states and Democratic-run cities. These raids have involved tactics—like
last week’s sickening and wildly unconstitutional raid of
an apartment complex on the South Shore of Chicago—that have no place in a
democratic society. In addition to visiting their reign of terror on ordinary
civilians in the city, ICE agents have assaulted a
Democratic congressional candidate in Illinois on camera, assaulted religious leaders for
peacefully protesting, detained an
alderman of the Chicago City Council, arrested reporters
and charged a
University of Chicago professor with a groundless felony in connection with the
ongoing protests outside of the suburban Broadview detention facility.
The president, whether knowingly or operating on
information fed to him by the curators of his narrow and conspiracy-riddled
information diet, is also obsessed with crime in blue-state cities. He has ordered National Guard
troops to be deployed in stateless Washington, DC, on the pretext of a
hallucinatory crime wave, and is federalizing National Guard troops from Texas
to send to Illinois. In his bizarre, rambling speech to the country’s military
leaders on September 30, hastily summoned to Quantico from their posts around
the world to see him and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth cosplay as warrior
princes, Trump singled out San
Francisco, Chicago, New York, and Los Angeles as “very unsafe places” and
promised to “straighten them out one by one” by using them as “training
grounds” for the military. Our president is apparently incapable of thinking of
the places where Democrats win electoral majorities as truly American or
deserving of equal treatment under the law.
Citizens
in blue states feel like they are living under a constant state of military
siege, rhetorical harassment and punitive partisan budgetary cuts because that
is in fact what is happening. And it is not sustainable for another three
years. The compact between the states is not magical or self-executing or
ordained by divine providence to ensure that it can’t be undone by ruthless
MAGA tyrants. It has fallen violently apart once before, and there is no
particular reason other than inertia and delusion to believe that it couldn’t
once again succumb to corrosive pressures from within. The Constitution itself,
after all, was the product of an extrajudicial coup against
the Articles of Confederation, which contained no legal mechanism for replacing
themselves with a brand-new political order.
If JD
Vance is reading this article, in a publication he’s described as “esteemed,” I want to be clear: I am not
advocating for secession and have absolutely no interest in living through the
dissolution of this country. But the self-appointed mandarins of
American Greatness in Trumpworld need to hear that what they are doing, hour by
hour, is the most debilitating assault on American unity since the Civil War.
And once the veneer of state juridical equality is stripped away under the
Supreme Court’s delusional embrace of unitary executive theory, allowing
presidents to just cut off the flow of funding to states they are mad at, it’s only a matter of time
before enterprising leaders in the new blue-state underground imagine
themselves as the rulers of an independent country rather than as the governors
of second-class provinces.
That is
precisely why we need to keep thinking about what, beyond protest in the
streets, can be done to stop the administration from simultaneously dismantling
the federal government that blue-state largesse props up while also constantly
blackmailing those same state governments to forfeit their clear rights under
the Constitution. Because there has never been a presidential administration
that so unapologetically used this kind of gutter partisanship to punish entire
states full of people, the policy options here are largely unknown. But some
ideas are starting to bubble up.
It is
common practice for municipal institutions like museums to charge one rate for
residents and another, much higher rate for out-of-towners, a practice that
most state university systems also follow. This principle could be extended to
other forms of commerce. For example, Illinois could charge vehicles one rate to blue-state
drivers who are using roads on the sprawling Illinois tollway system, and
another for those from red states. They could pass laws enacting steep excise taxes for residents
of red states in hotels and Airbnbs. Labeling her proposals “soft secession,” Mother
Jones editor argues that
blue states could also terminate licensing reciprocity agreements with red
states while “disinvesting our pension funds from red-state companies like
AT&T, American Airlines, ExxonMobil, and Tesla.”
Top of Form
Bottom of Form
While
these are all fine and quite clever ideas to make the White House
uncomfortable, communicate blue state outrage, and give red-state partisans a
taste of their own medicine, they
are unlikely to cause disruption at the scale necessary to force the hands of
Trump and his apparatchiks. We also can’t count on the intended
recipients of this campaign to connect the dots between the Trump administration’s
actions and a blue-state counteroffensive. The country’s new MAGA overlords will only grasp the full
scope of the threat before them via coordinated national action of the sort
that is second nature for citizens of countries such as France or Italy—which
recently staged a general strike in support of the Gaza flotillas—but
virtually unheard of in the United States.
One idea
is a tax strike. In
2024, California and New York alone combined to send nearly
$1.2 trillion in income and other taxes to the federal government, making up close
to a quarter of all revenue. The reliance of many small, rural
Republican-leaning states on federal funding is well known, although there are
a number of Democratic-leaning states like Maine and New Mexico in the same
position. By themselves, the states that voted for Kamala Harris—leaving aside
the consensus battleground states—represent half of all federal tax revenue.
Alas,
there is no easy button to press to make a coordinated tax strike happen. It would require individual
Americans to take enormous risks of after-the-fact penalties for withholding
too much money or not filing their taxes at all. The gamble here would be that
a diminished IRS wouldn’t be able to summon the resources or personnel to
verify and punish citizens participating in a strike—but the massive mustering
of ICE agents doesn’t suggest that the Trump White House would let a tax
protest just take root on its own. When I floated this idea to one
Chicago-area tax professional, I got this reply: “I am with you in theory, but
I don’t know how that would play out in practice.”
That
brings us to Italy’s recent example of a national general strike. In practice,
it wouldn’t actually take much to bring society to a screeching halt. If
federal workers in just the Social Security Administration, Internal Revenue
Service, Federal Aviation Administration and the Department of Veterans Affairs
went out at once (they would need to resign, take time out under the Family and
Medical Leave Act, or find some other workaround to avoid prohibitions on striking),
and if they were joined by, say, public school teachers, the country would be
snarled in an almost unimaginably chaotic crisis within 24 hours. Organizers
could set the date for March 4, which marks the 236th anniversary of when the
new constitutional order went into effect.
The big
proviso here is that translating the inchoate anger of normie liberal soccer
Moms wearing their first “Fuck ICE” T-shirts into a national strike will take
time and work—and buy-in from Democratic elites. We would need strike funds,
precinct leaders, legal defense teams, and considerable logistical preparation
everywhere we’d expect people to take to the streets for extended periods of
time, in red and blue states alike. Americans need to start exercising their
protest muscles, and while many already are by attending No Kings protests and
participating in IC
A30X95 FROM GUK
How can blue states fight back against Trump? With fiscal disobedience
By holding back federal tax revenues, Democratic governors can turn a one-sided assault into a constitutional showdown
By Eric Reinhart Sun 19 Oct 2025 07.00 EDT
Against Illinois governor JB Pritzker’s objections, Donald Trump’s Pentagon has ordered hundreds of national guard troops to join his regime’s assault on Chicago communities. Trump subsequently called for Brandon Johnson, Chicago’s mayor, and Pritzker to be jailed for not supporting his agenda. These are simply the latest steps in Trump’s plan not to govern as the president of all Americans but to rule as the dictatorial head of a punitive factional state. Federal funding to Democratic cities is being slashed through executive maneuvers; the justice department is conducting politically targeted investigations and arrests; and the military is being deployed to intimidate fellow citizens. Los Angeles, Portland, my home town of Chicago and other cities have been cast as enemies to be subdued, not communities to be served.
This weaponization of federal power represents a sharp break with constitutional tradition. It’s not merely ideological hostility; it is economic coercion and the exercise of violence in service of a president’s whim. The Trump regime is selectively starving Democratic jurisdictions of federal funds, even as their residents continue to pay billions in federal taxes, with blue states accounting for over 60% of the federal government’s revenue. We are being compelled to subsidize our own political subjugation.
As the anthropologist Janet Roitman argued in her study of taxation and sovereignty in central Africa, acts of “fiscal disobedience” emerge not simply as refusals to pay but as political interventions that expose ruptures in the reciprocal obligations underlying fiscal authority. Taxation is never merely technical. It is the material expression of political belonging and shared obligation. When the state weaponizes fiscal power against certain communities while continuing to demand unquestioned revenue from them, it undermines its own claim to legitimate authority. In such contexts, withholding or conditionally redirecting tax flows can become a way to re-politicize the fiscal relationship. It makes explicit that the state has already broken the social contract. Blue states today occupy precisely this position: forced to fund a federal government that is actively targeting them, their residents and their institutions.
Faced with this reality, Democratic governors need more than legal complaints and rhetorical protest. They need fiscal strategies of resistance commensurate with the scale of the attack. And one of the most provocative – and potentially powerful – ideas available is the creation of state-administered escrow accounts, or “in trust” funds, to temporarily hold federal tax revenues until the federal government upholds its constitutional obligations and withdraws its authoritarian threats.
This may sound radical, but it is less secessionist than it may at first appear. It would not involve refusing to pay federal taxes outright, which would open individual taxpayers to prosecution. Instead, the state would act as a temporary custodian, receiving payments from residents and businesses equal to their federal tax liabilities, holding them in trust for the federal government, and releasing them only when certain constitutional conditions are met – such as the partisan cessation of federal defunding and the withdrawal of military deployments unauthorized by targeted states.
Such a maneuver would constitute a form of civil disobedience by a state, legally risky and certain to entail confrontation. But Democratic cities and states, progressive non-profits, universities, non-white immigrants, and public health institutions are already facing direct conflict with Trump’s government. This strategy would reset the terms of the conflict and reclaim power against an increasingly brazen Trump regime. It would also underline for everyone the authoritarian, violent nature of the federal government’s tactics rather than allowing them to proceed under the thin guise of “law and order”, as Trump leverages his control over legal systems to wage war against his personal enemies. It would transform what is now a one-sided assault into a constitutional struggle.
How it could work
States could establish this system through legislation to create a tax receivership fund, explicitly designated as a trust account for federal tax liabilities. Residents and businesses would make payments into this account instead of directly to the Internal Revenue Service (IRS). The state would acknowledge these payments as received on behalf of the federal government, and pledge to remit them in full once specific, legally defined conditions were met – say, the restoration of suspended federal funding and reversal of other punitive actions that violate constitutional guarantees.
Importantly, this scheme does not purport to nullify federal taxes or claim state sovereignty over them. It functions as a conditional remittance mechanism, akin to an escrow arrangement in contract law. Of course, the Trump-controlled IRS, which has already been weaponized by the regime, would not quietly accept this. It would likely treat payments into the state trust as non-payment and impose penalties. Legal challenges would ensue. But that is precisely the point: to force a constitutional confrontation over whether the federal government can target states for political punishment while continuing to demand unquestioned fiscal obedience.
For such a strategy to work, it cannot be the isolated action of a single state. A state acting alone could be punished, scapegoated, or financially squeezed into submission. But if multiple states act simultaneously, they can transform isolated legal defiance into a coordinated assertion of constitutional co-sovereignty.
Here, article I, section 10 of the constitution could offer an eventual tool: interstate compacts. These are agreements between states – subject to congressional consent, and thus not likely legally viable until and unless Democrats win back congressional majorities – that allow them to formally coordinate policy, pool resources, and create collective governance structures. With or without congressional approval, blue states could form a “fiscal sovereignty compact” to coordinate the legal, fiscal, and political strategies involved in holding federal taxes in trust. It could standardize escrow mechanisms across member states, ensuring legal coherence and shared administrative capacity; create a pooled legal defense fund to support court battles; coordinate triggers for releasing funds, so that the federal government faces a unified set of demands; and protect against selective federal retaliation by presenting a united front representing tens of millions of residents and trillions in economic output.
This compact would not need to involve all blue states to be effective. A coalition of economically powerful states – such as California, Illinois, New York, Massachusetts, and Washington – could represent a staggering share of federal revenue. If even a portion of federal tax remittances from these states were held in trust, the federal government would face not an isolated legal challenge but substantial fiscal obstacles to its current belligerence.
Building an anti-fascist federalism
Trump’s use of the federal government to punish political enemies represents an authoritarian turn in American governance. It betrays the basic premise of federalism – that states are coequal entities within a constitutional framework, not mere provinces under imperial command – that was the supposed cornerstone of the Republican party before it sold what little soul it had to a conman. Lawsuits and press conferences are inadequate responses to this kind of assault. What’s needed are mechanisms that translate state and citizen dissent into material leverage. Escrow accounts, when deployed through a coordinated strategy, do precisely this: they turn the flow of money, the lifeblood of federal power, into the explicit site of political struggle.
Such a move could have wide-rippling political effects. It would give residents a concrete way to participate in opposing the Trump regime, transforming legal disputes into collective political action. It would also force the supreme court, which is increasingly aligning itself with Trump against the constitution, to directly confront fundamental questions about the balance of state and federal power. Given the corruption of the courts, courtroom victory is neither the expectation nor the point in this strategy; it is instead to use the law to draw clear constitutional and fiscal battle lines – to make states active protagonists rather than passive targets.
Big thinkers opined on what we can do to protect civil liberties and fundamental freedoms in a Trump presidency.
A31X97 FROM GUK
The massive No Kings protests may mark a new American political posture
The violence Republicans seemed to want did not materialize. Instead the event showcased liberal-democratic consensus
By Moira Donegan Mon 20 Oct 2025 12.54 EDT
Over the past week or so, it seemed
as if some Republican leaders
were hoping that Saturday’s No
Kings demonstrations – the marches and rallies hosted by a
coalition of liberal groups across the country and worldwide – would turn
violent. The House speaker, Mike Johnson, called them “Hate America” rallies, a moniker that was quickly picked up by other Republicans, and described the No Kings protests as a crucible
of potential riots, representing “all the pro-Hamas wing and, you know, the
antifa people”. “You’re gonna bring together the Marxists, the socialists, the
antifa advocates, the anarchists, and the pro-Hamas wing of the far-left
Democrat party,” he said. Tom Emmer, a representative for Minnesota, described
the rallies as a product of the “terrorist wing” of the Democratic party.
And Roger Marshall, a senator from Kansas, fantasized that the protests would require action by the
national guard. Others, such as the attorney general, Pam Bondi, mused about
who might be paying the protesters to show up – an idea that seemed to dismiss
the notion that anyone might oppose Donald
Trump’s agenda for principled, rather than cynical, reasons.
At times they sounded almost wistful. Republicans, the president
himself chief among them, have been fervently endeavoring to cast those who
oppose their authoritarian consolidation of power as enemies – contemptible
un-Americans who lack virtue, common values, or the protection of the law. In a
world where it was once considered the height of inappropriate partisanship for
Hillary Clinton to refer to a “basket of deplorables” among Trump voters or
Barack Obama to mourn the conservatives who “cling to guns or religion”,
it barely registered as news on Thursday when the White House press secretary,
Karoline Leavitt, told Fox
News: “The Democrat
party’s main constituency are made up of Hamas terrorists, illegal aliens, and
violent criminals.”
A32X98 FROM GUK
How can
blue states fight back against Trump? With fiscal disobedience
Eric
Reinhart
But no
matter how fervently and how deeply the Trump regime appears to hate the
American people, the No Kings protests that brought millions to the streets on
Saturday suggests that the American people hate them even more. In the densely
packed streets of cities from New York to Austin to Oakland to St Augustine,
Florida, the massive protests took on a tone of jubilant contempt, with Trump
and his various lackeys derided on signs and in effigies, with jokes that
ranged from the high-minded to the vulgar. At a protest in San Francisco, I saw
one man holding a sign that quoted Walt Whitman, walking near a woman making a
vulgar reference to Trump’s friendship with Jeffrey Epstein. A number of people
donned inflatable character costumes – I saw a starfish, a teddy
bear, two unicorns, a rooster and a pickle. They originated from Portland’s protests against Immigration and Customs
Enforcement and national guard deployments as cheeky ways to mock the Trump administration’s claims that the city was “war-torn” and in need of armed
invasion. If the anti-Trump resistance movements of his first administration
were characterized by a kind of self-serious righteousness, those of the No
Kings era have devolved into irreverence and humor. At times I was reminded of
a peculiar feeling I have sometimes had, in the desperate hours after funerals
or bad breakups, when I have been crying for so long that I find I’ve started
laughing.
The No
Kings protests have been criticized for their capaciousness and indefinite
agenda, and it is true that the demonstrations are the product of several large
liberal groups and bring together people whose politics and inclinations would
not ordinarily mix. At San
Francisco’s protest, I saw the signature red rose of the democratic socialists,
the Aztec eagle of the United Farm Workers, and a gold lamé sign held aloft by
a largely unclothed man who declared himself a
libertarian – in addition to a motley mix of men wearing the powdered wigs and
tricorn hats of the founding fathers, women with white feathered sleeves and
hoods posing as bald eagles, and a staggering number of people who wrapped themselves
in the American flag.
The
hodgepodge of symbolism might reflect the chaotic and disorganized nature of
the anti-Trump coalition – which, containing as it does the majority of the
US’s 340 million people, is rife with contradictions. This has long been a
problem for the Democrats: the party fears that their tent is too big, their
base is too far from swing voters, and the coalitions of Obama and Joe Biden
are too fractured and fragile to ever be maintained. But Trump has perhaps
created a new kind of glue that can hold together a different kind of political
movement: something that vast swaths of the American people hate even more than
they hate each other.
Amid the
density of references and imagery, No Kings might also indicate a new political
posture being born: a left-liberal popular front that mixes principle with
irreverence. The aspiration of No Kings, in a way, is to abolish itself – to
rebuild, perhaps a little sturdier and more honest this time, the kind of
constitutional system in which law and persuasion replace Trump’s model of
violence and domination. To put it another way: the people at the No Kings
rallies all agree that they want to restore the kinds of liberal-democratic
conditions that will enable them to disagree with one another.
Maga is painting Saturday’s protests as violent treason. Prove them wrong
Judith
Levine
At any
rate, the violence that the Trump regime seemed to long for did not
materialize. In San Francisco, an organizer speaking into a megaphone urged
attenders to ignore any pro-Trump agitators they might encounter, and to not
engage with any federal agents. “If you see uniformed feds outside a building,”
he warned the crowd, “it’s bait.” Before the marches, some seemed frightened of
what might happen – whether Trump-aligned federal forces might crack down with
mass arrests, or whether pro-Trump militias might instigate a fight. But the
demonstrations seem to have been remarkably peaceful, even cheerful, avoiding
provocations and meeting virtually no violence from Trump-aligned forces. In
New York, an estimated 100,000 marchers participated in No Kings events across
the five boroughs, and an official Twitter account associated with the New York police
department reported that there had been no arrests of protesters.
Trump
appeared disappointed. On Saturday evening, after the marches had
largely disbanded and the millions who had turned out to oppose him went home,
he took to Truth Social, his proprietary social media platform, to post an AI-generated video of himself. In the cartoon,
Trump – wearing a crown – flies a fighter jet over the No Kings
protests, and dumps feces on the protesting citizens. It was a peevish,
petulant little display of contempt – the kind of behavior that you would
punish in a child but which has become bog standard for the president of the
United States. He evidently wanted Americans to know that he hates them. The
feeling is mutual.
Moira
Donegan is a Guardian US columnist
At any
rate, the violence that the Trump regime seemed to long for did not
materialize. In San Francisco, an organizer speaking into a megaphone urged
attenders to ignore any pro-Trump agitators they might encounter, and to not
engage with any federal agents. “If you see uniformed feds outside a building,”
he warned the crowd, “it’s bait.” Before the marches, some seemed frightened of
what might happen – whether Trump-aligned federal forces might crack down with
mass arrests, or whether pro-Trump militias might instigate a fight. But the
demonstrations seem to have been remarkably peaceful, even cheerful, avoiding
provocations and meeting virtually no violence from Trump-aligned forces. In
New York, an estimated 100,000 marchers participated in No Kings events across
the five boroughs, and an official Twitter account associated with the New York police
department reported that there had been no arrests of protesters.
Trump appeared disappointed. On Saturday evening, after the marches had largely disbanded and the millions who had turned out to oppose him went home, he took to Truth Social, his proprietary social media platform, to post an AI-generated video of himself. In the cartoon, Trump – wearing a crown – flies a fighter jet over the No Kings protests, and dumps feces on the protesting citizens. It was a peevish, petulant little display of contempt – the kind of behavior that you would punish in a child but which has become bog standard for the president of the United States. He evidently wanted Americans to know that he hates them. The feeling is mutual.
Skeptics will call the above proposal unconstitutional, impractical or politically reckless. They are not wrong to note the risks. Under current federal tax law, states have no role in federal revenue collection. Courts might enjoin such efforts quickly. Administratively, state governments would need to build new fiscal infrastructure to receive and track payments. And Trump will seize on any opportunity to paint blue states as “insurrectionists” who must be violently crushed – but the regime is already inventing fictions to justify this regardless of on-the-ground realities.
Acknowledging risks is not the same as accepting them as decisive. The legal barriers to fiscal disobedience are formidable in part because the federal government has never before faced coordinated, large-scale challenges of this kind from wealthy states representing a majority of national tax revenue. The courts are not mechanical; they are political actors that respond to the balance of power and the perceived legitimacy of claims. Even if states ultimately lose in court, the process itself would publicly expose the authoritarian abuse of fiscal powers, force constitutional confrontation rather than quiet capitulation, and potentially reshape the political terrain.
As is evident from Chicago – where I am writing this with Black Hawk helicopters flying overhead night and day and where my friends, patients, elected representatives, and neighbors are being assaulted in their homes, in hospitals, and on the streets by federal agents acting with total disregard for either reality or legality – a rapid escalation of political violence in America is well under way. The Trump regime has made clear that it will continue to expand its campaign of violence with total impunity if we do not respond. In this context, refusing to counter fascism because retaliation might follow is not prudence; it is surrender.
State-administered escrow accounts will not solve the crisis of American democracy, but they could help shift the terrain of struggle away from unilateral federal domination and toward a contested, negotiated, and coordinated anti-fascist federalism much better equipped to contest the destruction of US democracy.
Trump is breaking the outer limits of the constitutional order and bending law to his advantage. It’s time for blue states to do the same.
What’s giving me hope now
Although I’ve written above about large-scale strategy, it is small everyday acts of care between neighbors and co-workers seeking to protect one another within my Chicago community that give me confidence fascism will not consume us. I collaborate with local mutual aid and organizing collectives – such as the CHAAD Project, which supports vulnerable Chicago bar and restaurant workers – to remember that genuine change in society arises from giving and receiving care, and sharing joy and hospitality, with those around you. It is only from that basis that collective ethical and political life can acquire power great enough to topple fascism – and to replace it with a genuine democracy that fosters difference rather than seeking to annihilate it.
Eric Reinhart is a political anthropologist, psychiatrist, and psychoanalyst
|
A33X99 FROM 1440 'No Kings' Protests |
|
Millions of protesters turned out in cities across the US Saturday, demonstrating against what they
described as authoritarian overreach by the Trump administration. Organizers
of the “No Kings” rallies estimated the cumulative turnout to exceed 5
million people. Crowds ranged from more than 250,000 in Chicago
and 100,000 across New York City's five boroughs, to around 10,000 to 15,000
in places like Salt Lake City. Many attendees leaned into the
current trend of wearing inflatable costumes; no major
incidents were reported, though 15 people were detained after clashes with
police at an ICE detention center west of Chicago. See photos from
various cities here. The marches
come as the ongoing government shutdown entered its 20th day, and is on pace
to tie the second-longest in US history (21 days) tomorrow. The impasse
centers on the renewal of healthcare subsidies (see explainer), which face a soft deadline
of Nov. 1, when insurance exchanges for 2026 open. |
Now...
The
"democracy of the dead"
The
concept was coined by English author G.K. Chesterton in his book Orthodoxy (1908)
to explain the importance of tradition. In this view, democracy isn't limited
to the votes of the living, but should also honor the "votes" of past
generations, the deceased.
A wider electorate: Tradition
is described as "an extension of the franchise" to include the
deceased, giving them a vote in the present.
A check on arrogance: This idea serves as a check on the "small and arrogant oligarchy of those who merely happen to be walking about". It suggests that the wisdom of previous generations provides important perspective on current affairs.
How it
relates to the Day of the Dead
Mexico's Día
de los Muertos (November 1–2) offers a compelling real-world cultural
expression of Chesterton's philosophical idea. The holiday is a tradition that
literally gives a voice to the ancestors.
POLLS
A34X
83 X83
FROM USA TODAY
What is Trump’s approval rating? See how it compares across states
By Kinsey Crowley
President Donald Trump's deployment of
the National Guard in states remains
controversial and elevates
his disputes with several left-leaning governors.
It started
with Washington, DC, and since Trump has deployed troops in California,
Illinois, Tennessee and Oregon. Only Tennessee's governor welcomed the move,
and the Trump administration has faced legal challenges from the other
states. Plus, it has not been popular among Americans. In a Reuters/Ipsos poll released
Oct. 8, 58% of Americans said the president should only send armed troops
to face external threats.
California is also in the middle
of a growing redistricting battle among states. On Nov. 4, Golden State voters will decide whether to
pass a new Congressional map measure that aims to counter Texas' new map, which
was designed to give Republicans more seats in the 2026 midterm elections. Missouri has also approved a new map that favors Republicans.
Here is what to know about Trump's approval ratings in the states and how that compares to his average:
What
states give Trump the highest approval rating?
Trump has
a net positive approval rating in 24 states, according to Morning Consult, which
gathers polls over the course of three months to get a look at state-level data
among registered voters. The Oct. 14 update shows two states have flipped to
net negative approval since the September update. Georgia previously gave Trump
a net positive approval, and Arizona was equally split; they're now net
negative by Morning Consult's results.
Morning
consult notes this is the first time his approval rating has been net negative
in every 2024 swing state.
As
previously, Trump received his best approval rating in Wyoming and worst in
Vermont, though it should be noted small states have the widest margin of error
in these polls.
In Oregon
and California, 38% approve of Trump's job performance, both among the worst 10
in the U.S. for Trump, according to Morning Consult. In Illinois, 40% approve
of Trump's job performance.
What is Trump's
approval rating overall?
Averages based on RealClearPolitics and New York Times aggregators show Trump's approval rating is net
negative but relatively stable over the last few months.
As of Jan.
27, 50.5% approved, giving Trump a net positive rating until March 13, when it
flipped to net negative with 47.8% approval, compared to 48.5%
disapproval, RealClearPolitics graphics show.
The approval rating reached a low on April 29 at 45.1% approval, which fell
around Trump's 100-day mark. It reached a new low on Sept. 30, the day before
the government shutdown started, at 44.8% approving.
The New
York Times aggregator showed Trump's approval fell from 52% approval in January
to 44% approval in April, and has mostly held steady since. According to the
Times, Trump's term low is 43% approval, which he first reached on Aug. 21,
about 10 days into Trump's federal
takeover of Washington, DC.
As of Oct.
16, Trump's average approval is 45.4%, according to RealClearPolitics, and 43%
on average, according to the New York Times.
Crickets from Trump Mobile when T1 Phone was scheduled to
launch. What happened?
Daylight saving time is approaching. What does Trump think
about ending the time changes?
When will Trump head back to Mar-a-Lago? Florida social
season starts soon
Did Ivanka Trump convert to Judaism? President Trump
mentions her in Israel speech
What is Trump's approval rating ahead of 'No Kings'
protests? See Illinois results
Trump's
approval rating is low compared to other presidents
In a Gallup poll conducted from Sept. 2-16, 40% approved of Trump's job performance, unchanged from
the previous month.
A historical analysis by Gallup shows Trump's approval
ratings in September of his
first years in office − both as the 45th and 47th presidents − are
lower than any other modern president at the same time in their
administrations. Here is how his September approval compares to other
presidents in September of their first year of their term, according to Gallup:
Joe Biden (September 2021) - 43% approve
Trump (September 2017) - 37% approve
Barack Obama (September 2009) - 52% approve
George W. Bush (September 2001) - 76% approve
Bill Clinton (September 1993) - 50% approve
George H.W. Bush (September 1989) - 70% approve
Ronald Reagan (September 1981) - 52% approve
Contributing:
Reuters and USA TODAY's Eduardo Cuevas and Kathryn Palmer
Kinsey
Crowley is the Trump Connect reporter for the USA TODAY Network. Reach her at
kcrowley@gannett.com. Follow her on X and TikTok @kinseycrowley or Bluesky at
@kinseycrowley.bsky.social.
X 84
A35X 84
FROM WORLD POPULATION REVIEW
TRUMP
POPULARITY by STATES
|
PRO |
CON |
CHANGE (since election) |
|
|
69% |
27% |
-13% |
|
|
68% |
29% |
-13% |
|
|
67% |
31% |
-14% |
|
|
66% |
30% |
-10% |
|
|
63% |
34% |
-20% |
|
|
62% |
35% |
-8% |
|
|
61% |
37% |
-19% |
|
|
59% |
38% |
-17% |
|
|
59% |
38% |
-16% |
|
|
58% |
38% |
-11% |
|
|
57% |
40% |
-13% |
|
|
57% |
41% |
-20% |
|
|
57% |
41% |
-20% |
|
|
56% |
42% |
-10% |
|
|
56% |
41% |
-18% |
|
|
56% |
42% |
-16% |
|
|
55% |
43% |
-12% |
|
|
54% |
43% |
-11% |
|
|
54% |
43% |
-17% |
|
|
53% |
45% |
-19% |
|
|
50% |
47% |
-19% |
|
|
50% |
48% |
-15% |
|
|
50% |
47% |
-13% |
|
|
49% |
48% |
-19% |
|
|
49% |
47% |
-14% |
|
|
47% |
50% |
-18% |
|
|
47% |
50% |
-21% |
|
|
47% |
51% |
-13% |
|
|
46% |
51% |
-16% |
|
|
46% |
52% |
-11% |
|
|
45% |
52% |
-28% |
|
|
45% |
52% |
-17% |
|
|
43% |
55% |
-8% |
|
|
42% |
55% |
-13% |
|
|
41% |
56% |
-19% |
|
|
40% |
57% |
-22% |
|
|
40% |
57% |
-14% |
|
|
40% |
58% |
-14% |
|
|
39% |
59% |
-14% |
|
|
38% |
59% |
-28% |
|
|
37% |
61% |
-27% |
|
|
37% |
61% |
-23% |
|
|
36% |
61% |
-18% |
|
|
36% |
62% |
-14% |
|
|
36% |
61% |
-28% |
|
|
33% |
64% |
-22% |
|
|
32% |
66% |
-22% |
|
|
30% |
67% |
-12% |
|
|
28% |
69% |
-8% |
|
|
26% |
71% |
-37% |
A36X85 FROM PRRI
Survey: Majorities of Americans Say Trump Policies, Including Cuts in Health Care and Research Spending, and Implementation of Tariffs, Have Gone Too Far
56% of
Americans view Trump as a “dangerous dictator”
WASHINGTON (October 22, 2025)— A new national survey released
today by Public Religion Research Institute (PRRI) in partnership with the
Brookings Institution reveals Americans’ responses to the
unprecedented actions taken so far by President Donald Trump during his
second presidential term. The
survey — the 16th annual American Values Survey —
also examines Americans’ concerns about the economy and how democracy is
working, what it means to be “truly American,” and opposition to building
internment camps for undocumented immigrants and allowing ICE agents to mask
their identity.
Majorities
of Americans say that the Trump administration cuts in federal funding for
health care (60%) and universities and research institutions (55%), the
implementation of new tariffs (54%), and the increase in funding for
Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) (52%) have gone too far. Across all
areas, independents hold views more aligned with Democrats. For example, most Democrats
(90%) and independents (67%) say that cuts in federal funding for programs such
as Medicaid, Medicare, and the Affordable Care Act have gone too far, compared
with only 25% of Republicans.
“Amid
unprecedented actions, most Americans, including political independents,
believe the Trump administration has gone too far,” said PRRI President and Founder Robert P. Jones. “A growing majority of Americans,
including two-thirds of independents, now view the president as a dangerous
dictator, but most Republicans continue to approve of Trump’s actions.”
Asked to
choose between two statements, increasing numbers of Americans view Trump as a
“dangerous dictator” rather than a “strong leader.” A majority of
Americans (56%) agree that “President Trump is a dangerous dictator whose power
should be limited before he destroys American democracy,” up from 52% in March
2025; by contrast, 41% agree that “President Trump is a strong leader who
should be given the power he needs to restore America’s greatness.” Nine in ten
(91%) of Democrats and 65% of independents see Trump as a dangerous dictator,
compared to only 15% of Republicans; by contrast, 82% of Republicans see Trump
as a strong leader who should be given the power he needs. Majorities of white
Christians, including 73% of white evangelicals, say that Trump is a strong
leader, while majorities of Christians of color and other religious groups view
Trump more as a dangerous dictator.
“Strong
majorities of Americans, across party lines, say believing in the core values
and freedoms espoused in our founding documents are essential for being truly
American,” explained PRRI CEO
Melissa Deckman. “At the same time, Republicans are more likely
than independents or Democrats to believe identifying as Christian matters for
American identity.”
Far more
Americans say shared civic ideals, rather than religious beliefs or ancestry,
are important to being “truly American.” Majorities of Americans, across
partisan lines, say believing in individual freedoms (93%), the Constitution
(91%), accepting diverse backgrounds (89%), the Declaration of Independence
(88%), respecting institutions and laws (88%), and speaking English (75%) are
important to “being truly American.” Partisans are divided on whether being
born in the U.S. (54%) is essential for American identity. Republicans are the
only partisans among whom a majority say belief in God (78% of Republicans vs.
57% of all Americans), being Christian (68% vs. 43%), or having ancestors who
served in the military (55% vs. 42%) are important to being truly American. Few
Americans say being of Western European heritage (23%) is essential to being
truly American.
Majorities of Americans view both the Democratic and Republican parties
unfavorably.
Majorities of Americans view the Democratic (60%) and Republican (57%) parties
unfavorably. Most Republicans (86%) hold favorable views of their party
(consistent since 2012), while fewer Democrats (76%) hold favorable views of
their party, a significant decline from 93% in 2012. Independents’ views of
both parties have dropped 15 percentage points since 2012.
Among
independents who hold unfavorable views of the Democratic party, 47% say it is
because the party is extreme and too left-wing; 28% say it is because the party
is not fighting hard enough against Trump; 18% say it is not progressive
enough; and 15% say it is anti-religious. Among independents who hold
unfavorable views of the Republican party, 56% say it is extreme and too
right-wing; 59% say it is either because the party is too deferential to
President Trump; 6% say it is not conservative enough; and 30% say it is too
closely aligned with religious groups.
Democrats are now more likely to agree that things have changed
so much, they often feel like strangers in their own country. Nearly half of Americans
(46%) agree with the statement “Things have changed so much that I often feel
like a stranger in my own country,” up slightly from 41% when PRRI first asked
the question in 2016. Today, Democrats are twice as likely as Republicans
to agree with this statement (59% vs. 30%), the inverse of patterns that held
consistent since 2016.
Democrats
and independents are more than twice as likely as Republicans to oppose both
allowing ICE agents to mask their identity and the building of internment camps
for undocumented immigrants. About six in ten Americans (58%) agree that
“ICE officers should not be allowed to conceal their identity with masks or use
unmarked vehicles when arresting people,” including most Democrats (84%) and
independents (64%), but only three in ten Republicans (31%). Similarly, 58% of
Americans oppose allowing the federal government to detain
immigrants who are in the country illegally in internment camps until they can
be deported, including 86% of Democrats and 64% of independents, but only three
in ten Republicans (29%).
Other
notable findings:
Just half
of Americans are extremely or very proud of being an American (50%). American
pride has declined sharply since 2013, when 82% said they were extremely or
very proud. Most Republicans (80%) are proud of being an American, compared
with 46% of independents, and 31% of Democrats.
Majorities
of Americans say the economy (65%), the way the federal government is
functioning (65%), dealing with other countries (60%), and dealing with
undocumented immigrants (57%) are headed in the wrong direction.
28% of
Americans approve of Trump’s handling of the controversy over the Epstein
files.
Nearly
seven in ten Americans (69%) agree with the statement “The ability of Americans
to freely criticize the government without fear of punishment is a right that
seems less protected than in previous years,” including majorities of Democrats
(86%), independents (73%), and Republicans (54%).
Most
Americans (70%) disagree that the federal government should have the authority
to control student admissions, faculty hiring, and curriculum at U.S. colleges
and universities to ensure they do not teach inappropriate material, including
most Democrats (84%), independents (75%), and Republicans (58%).
While
Americans are somewhat split — largely along partisan lines — on whether
society has become too soft and feminine (42% agree vs. 54% disagree), three in
four Americans reject the notion that the gains women have made in recent years
come at the expense of men.
Methodology
The survey
was conducted by PRRI among a representative sample of 5,543 adults (age 18 and
up) living in all 50 states in the United States, who are part of Ipsos’s
KnowledgePanel, and an additional 412 who were recruited by Ipsos using opt-in
survey panels to increase the sample sizes in smaller states. Interviews were
conducted online between August 15 – September 8, 2025. The margin of
error for the national survey is +/- 1.79 percentage points at the 95%
level of confidence, including the design effect for the survey of
1.84.
About
PRRI
PRRI is a
501(c)(3) nonprofit, nonpartisan organization dedicated to conducting
independent research at the intersection of religion, culture, and
politics.
Happy
news
X FROM
GPB
A treat during a tricky time: Unions offer free Halloween costumes to
children of federal workers
By: Amanda
Andrews October 29, 2025 5:10 PM
Unions
have been providing food and supplies to federal workers without pay. Now
they're donating costumes to help workers save money on seasonal shopping.
Federal
workers in Georgia missing paychecks during the government shutdown will not
have to miss Halloween. This week, the unions who represent them are handing
out holiday supplies, including costumes.
Members of
the American Federation of Government Employees and the Atlanta-North Georgia
Labor Council gave away 100 children’s Halloween costumes. The Tuesday event
was hosted at the International Alliance of Theatrical Stage
Employees local 479 headquarters near the Atlanta airport.
Recently,
the Atlanta-North Georgia Labor Council has been holding food drives,
supporting striking workers, and distributing Kroger gift cards. Program
coordinator Marie Thompson said the organization welcomes any chance to help
union members.
“So those
who can't make it here, we’ll be headed to day care after that,” she said.
“We'll meet them where they are. Even if that means going to their jobs. You
know the others who are still working or maybe not getting paid, and things
like that, we'll still pull up and drop a costume.”
Aaron
Barker is president of AFGE Local 554. He said when families are living
paycheck to paycheck, they appreciate the little things, too.
“I mean
costumes can be anywhere from $20 to $30,” he said. “So if they're able to save
that money and maybe buy food or pay rent or whatever the case may be —
whatever their necessities are, they don't have to spend that and they can get
these costumes.”
The Labor
Council will also host a "trunk or treat" event at the IBEW
headquarters from 5 to 7 p.m. this Thursday.
A37X
from people mag.
Melania Trump Reveals This Year's White House Halloween Decor as She
Kicks Off First Holiday Season Since 2020
The first lady broke out the pumpkins and fall decor to prepare for the annual White House Trick or Treat this week
By Meredith Kile Published on October 28, 2025 04:59PM EDT
NEED TO
KNOW
First lady Melania Trump revealed the 2025 White House Halloween decor on Tuesday
The first lady covered the back of the Executive Residence with pumpkins and leaves, evoking a non-spooky fall theme
Though the first lady has a controversial history with holiday decorating at the White House, insiders predicted to PEOPLE last year that she would rise to the occasion during her husband's second term
Amid ongoing controversy about the wide-ranging White House construction projects, first lady Melania Trump broke out the Halloween decorations this week to prepare for the upcoming holiday celebration that will take place just steps from the demolished East Wing.
"The @whitehouse is getting ready for Halloween 🎃," her office posted on X on Tuesday, Oct. 28, alongside a photo of the decorations in progress.
In contrast to past years in the White House, Melania — who took some heat for stylistic decisions during her husband's first term — seemed to keep the decor simpler for the start of her busy holiday season, which lands in the middle of a particularly lengthy government shutdown. The back entrance and staircases are lined with pumpkins, and colorful leaves cascade between the South Portico's columns.
It seems more decorated for a generic "fall" theme than Halloween; however, that could be a deliberate decision so as not to spook any of the young guests who come for the traditional trick or treat with the president and first lady.
Melania has gone a bit spookier in years past. Her 2019 look featured spindly trees and orange lighting that helped set the mood.
The socially distanced trick-or-treating event during the 2020 COVID era also had autumn vibes, but with far more variety among the decorations than there appears to be this year.
Melania has not always had an easy relationship with holidays in the White House. In 2020, an audio recording of the first lady was leaked to CNN, in which she was heard complaining about being held accountable for both the aesthetics of the Trump presidency as well as her husband's more controversial policies.
“I’m working … my ass off on the Christmas stuff, that you know, who gives a f--- about the Christmas stuff and decorations?” Melania said in the recording, which was made in 2018. “But I need to do it, right?”
“OK, and then I do it and I say that I’m working on Christmas and planning for the Christmas and they said, ‘Oh, what about the children that they were separated?’ Give me a f------ break," she continued.
Following her four-year respite from the White House, a mix of Melania's friends, political sources and Mar-a-Lago Club members told PEOPLE in December 2024 that she will step up and carry on with White House traditions during her husband's second term.
"Melania will do what she is asked as first lady but under her own terms, and that includes decorating the White House for the Christmas holidays," a social source in Palm Beach told PEOPLE. "She will set her own schedule, make her own rules, and use her own taste."
See All of the White House Halloweens Through the Years
Donald Trump Is Expected to Name the New White House Ballroom After
Himself: Report
However,
according to a recent report, the first lady is not taking any
credit for the controversial destruction of the White House's
East Wing to build the president's highly touted ballroom.
While some of the president's early White House renovations — like the paving of the Rose Garden — were said to be done in collaboration with his wife, The Wall Street Journal reported this week that Melania is not on board with the ballroom plans.
In investigating how Donald is pulling off the controversial demolition of the historic building at a breakneck pace, the publication alleged that Melania "privately raised concerns about tearing down the East Wing and told associates it wasn’t her project, according to administration officials."
PEOPLE reached out to Melania's office for comment about WSJ's reporting.
WEDNESDAY
A@
from AI OVERVIEW
The "democracy
of the dead"
The
concept was coined by English author G.K. Chesterton in his book Orthodoxy (1908)
to explain the importance of tradition. In this view, democracy isn't limited
to the votes of the living, but should also honor the "votes" of past
generations, the deceased.
A wider electorate: Tradition
is described as "an extension of the franchise" to include the
deceased, giving them a vote in the present.
A check on arrogance: This idea serves as a check on the "small and arrogant oligarchy of those who merely happen to be walking about". It suggests that the wisdom of previous generations provides important perspective on current affairs.
How it
relates to the Day of the Dead
Mexico's Día
de los Muertos (November 1–2) offers a compelling real-world cultural
expression of Chesterton's philosophical idea. The holiday is a tradition that
literally gives a voice to the ancestors.
A@
FROM YOU TUBE
Day of the Dead Press Conference Honoring Lives Lost to ICE Detention
Detention
Watch Network and Popular Democracy will mark Day of the Dead with a press
conference outside of Capitol Hill and an altar to honor people who have died
in Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) detention. The press conference
will underscore the cruelty of Trump’s mass detention and deportation agenda,
which has a tremendous human toll and cost to all Americans. Shockingly, there
have been at least 24 deaths in ICE custody in just ten months, a record number
of deaths within a calendar year since Detention Watch Network began tracking
in 2006, including three deaths by suicide.
A@
FROM DISAPPEARED in AMERICA
Disappeared In America – Dia de los Muertos Home Depot Action with NELA
Alliance for Democracy
Solidarity Event · Volunteer organized
Time
Saturday,
November 1
3 – 7pm
PDT
Location
2055 N
Figueroa St
Map
About this
event
JOIN us as
we heighten our weekly Home Depot protest/boycott into a larger community event
to fight for those who are being targeted.
We will
have face painting, music and an altar honoring those whose lives have been cut
short due to the kidnappings! Come for a celebration of life, and say clearly:
We will not stand by as families are disappeared, rights are dismantled, and
democracy itself is eroded.
We will
have signs at our usual corner at the front of Home Depot, but will be
gathering for activities at the Los Angeles River & Aliso Creek Confluence
Park (by the turnaround) behind the Home Depot parking lot.
Across the
country, immigrant communities are under attack — targeted by raids, detention,
and dehumanizing policies that tear families apart. These tactics are being
weaponized as part of a broader authoritarian crackdown that threatens the
rights and freedoms of everyone.
The
Disappeared in America Weekend of Action is a nationwide mobilization to defend
our shared values of dignity, freedom, and justice for all. Together, we’ll
shine a light on the human toll of detention and demand an end to corporate and
government complicity in this cruelty.
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flat ground
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parking spots
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or steps
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A core
principle behind all of our events is a commitment to nonviolent action. We
expect all participants to seek to de-escalate any potential confrontation with
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X FROM
POLITICO
By Jonathan Schlefer09/19/2025 05:00 AM
EDT
Jonathan
Schlefer is a former senior researcher in political economy at Harvard Business
School. He also served as editor-in-chief of MIT Technology Review and is the
author of two books, Palace
Politics: How the Ruling Party Brought Crisis to Mexico, and The
Assumptions Economists Make.
American Democracy Might Be Stronger Than Donald Trump
Yes,
Donald Trump is a threat to democracy. But the country has a few attributes
that make it more resilient than you might think.
For the
last 10 years, we’ve been hearing that President Donald Trump will preside over
the end of democracy in America. In liberal circles, that assertion is often
accepted as fact. For many, the proof is in the evidence from other countries’
democratic declines.
A whole
genre of American political writing is issuing this warning. Perhaps the best known entrant is How Democracies Die, by the
Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt. The authors mention
a few democracies that fought off authoritarianism but overwhelmingly recount
just what the title says: how democracies die. There are many other examples of
the genre. “I Watched It Happen in Hungary. Now It’s Happening Here,” announces a former U.S. ambassador.
Having shaken hands with “democracy killers” from Thailand to Zambia, Brian Klaas warns in The Atlantic, “American democracy is dying.”
00:11
02:00
Read More
But the
United States is different from many of the countries that feature prominently
in the “death of democracy” literature. And for Americans concerned about what
Trump will do in his second term, the ways other democracies have died isn’t
the central concern. Those accounts are a bit like detailing how Covid can kill people but not assessing the chances,
depending on age and risk factors, that the disease will kill you.
The real
question is whether U.S. democracy will survive or
not. The genre hardly asks that question, let alone answers it.
To be
sure, Trump does all the same things as the authoritarians Levitsky and Ziblatt
studied: He has refused to accept electoral defeats; called political opponents
criminals and tried to jail them even while backing his own violent supporters;
and lashed out at opponents and the media as “enemies of the people” — a
chilling phrase that echoes Soviet dictator Joseph Stalin and the Nazi
propagandist Joseph Goebbels.
But Trump’s
authoritarianism also resembles that of dangerous populists who failed to kill democracy. Careful studies that
never seem to get much press find that only about a fifth of dangerous populists actually kill
democracy, including in different regions and
across different time spans. If you’re
serious about weighing the Trump threat, you should be asking what makes the
difference between countries where democracy died and countries where it
survives.
A
significant difficulty in answering this question arises from the structure of
the political science discipline itself. When I got my doctorate some 23 years
ago, American politics occupied one subfield and comparative politics (the
study of all other nations, often via comparison) occupied another — and never
the twain should meet. Levitsky and Ziblatt are comparativists. This division
has only begun to soften. It’s difficult to apply lessons from elsewhere to
Trump’s America because the U.S. political system does differ starkly from
others, but this disciplinary divide has made that problem even harder.
I’m also a
comparativist, but where Levitsky and Ziblatt focused on Latin America and
pre-World War II Europe (plenty of failed democracies in both), I have looked
further and wider, from the old Mexican ruling party to the Greek financial
crisis, from how economists think to the divisions splitting American liberals.
I have found research outside of the literature on dying democracies that asks
relevant and important questions. What can we learn, for instance, from
the advanced capitalist democracies that survived
the brutal 20th century — two world wars, the Great Depression
in the 1930s, stagflation in the 1970s, Soviet and Chinese threats? Only two
fell to internal authoritarian threats: Italy and Germany between the world
wars.
This is a
dire moment for U.S. democracy. To make it worse, the assassination of Charlie
Kirk threatens to ratchet up not only the recent surge of political violence
but to reanimate the poisonous tradition of political assassination that runs
through Martin Luther King., Jr., President John F. Kennedy, the many Black
leaders murdered during Jim Crow, and the Civil War. Deranged individuals perpetrated
the recent attacks, but shared fear that U.S. politics is at an existential
moment as the 2026 and 2028 elections approach surely portends more widespread
and equally damaging threats of violence.
What if
Americans didn’t see the dangers to our democracy as existential? If we had
more faith that our democracy would survive Trump 2.0, it might take some venom
out of this political atmosphere. It might provide some institutions more
confidence to fight unconstitutional Trump demands — to be more like the law
firm Perkins Coie,
which fought back and not cave like another law firm, Paul, Weiss. It might make ABC and
its affiliates more willing to stand up to threats from the
administration to police what comedians like Jimmy Kimmel say
on the air. The Democratic Party might pay more attention to what they can do
for voters instead of harping on the Trump menace — a theme that obviously
didn’t work for them in 2024. All Americans might better see beyond this
fraught moment to focus more on solving the problems of a democracy that was
already in grave need of repair before Trump made the situation far worse.
A careful
comparison with countries that fought off autocratic attempts, as well as those
that succumbed, suggests that American democracy might be more resilient than
you think. At a minimum, it has crucial advantages over democracies that
failed. Three main things stand out: None was nearly so rich. None was nearly so
long-lived. And none had a legal establishment tracing its genealogy back to
the Magna Carta in 1215.
Watch: The
Conversation
Play Video
43:58
Sen. Rand Paul and
Katelyn Jetelina | The Conversation
Wealth Is
Good for Democracy
Trump-branded
fridge magnets at the Trump merchandise store at Trump Turnberry golf course in
Scotland. I Christopher Furlong/Getty Images
Rich
democracies rarely die. As the political scientist Seymour Martin Lipset
wrote in 1959, “The more well-to-do a nation, the greater the
chances that it will sustain democracy.” In fact, he added, the idea goes back
to Aristotle. Whether high per capita income can make a nation democratic is
not so clear, and definitions of democracy, let alone calculations of income,
can be squishy, but the general claim that wealth sustains democracy has
repeatedly held up.
The
prominent democracy theorist Adam Przeworski of New York University, born in
Poland under the Nazis and raised under the Communists, famously observed in
2005 that while democracy had fallen again and again in developing nations,
economies richer than Argentina when the military seized control in 1976 had
survived a thousand years all told. None had failed, despite “wars, riots, scandals, economic and
governmental crises, hell or high water.”
Turkey and
Hungary have since broken the “Argentina 1976” threshold. Still, a 2020 study
identified only three types of states where per capita
income topped $36,000: democracies, petrostates and the wealthy
trading hub of Singapore. Longevity matters, too. A 2005 statistical tour de force found
that if a presidency survived more than 50 years and had a per capita income
more than $23,000, it had a zero percent chance of failing. (Those studies used
different base years for the income levels; I have adjusted them for inflation to
approximate 2025 equivalents. By comparison, current U.S. GDP per capita
is about $86,000.) Statistical studies
do not guarantee there will never be outliers, as Przeworski learned. Still,
such broad agreement over so many years is powerful.
Why rich,
long-lived democracies are strong is actually puzzling, and despite a large
literature on why nations democratize and (lately) why they fail, incredibly
little has been written on it. Since the result holds for both parliamentary
and presidential regimes, political scientists assume it arises less from the
structure of political systems than it does from the underlying civil society.
Przeworski
suggested that while lower-income societies can erupt in all-or-nothing
struggle over scarce resources, wealthy societies develop an existential fear of losing the rule of law,
dreading that fate as worse than any particular electoral loss. In fact, a
commitment to the rule of law binds sectors of society in advanced capitalist
democracies that might otherwise be in conflict. Educated workers are rewarded
in those systems, so it makes sense that they want to protect it. But they
are often seconded by those who hope they or their
children can join this group. Recent immigrants find in developed
democracies what their own nations may lack: a credible legal system, better
schools, even drinkable water.
We’ve seen
plenty of serious damage to democracy lately. But mostly such backsliding
doesn’t kill democracy. Using the V-Dem database, which provides literally
hundreds of indicators of governance on a scale from democratic to autocratic,
researchers at the University of Texas find that in 30 instances of backsliding between 2000 and
2019 (including Trump 1.0), only eight led to democratic
breakdown. That’s a failure rate, even once backsliding has occurred, of about
25 percent.
Civil
society — big business, law firms, nonprofits, universities, media — fights
backsliding. When Orban’s government creates businesses by showering them with contracts and
keeps friendly media outlets afloat as the largest advertiser in the nation, they
either submit or face ruin. A wealthy
society provides such plentiful resources to independent institutions of civil
society, and they span so far and wide across the political landscape, that
they are effectively impossible to quash. Longevity surely contributes here,
too, because the longer those institutions have to mature, the more established
they become.
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Presidents
Are Better for Democracy Than Prime Ministers
Members of
Congress during a State of the Union Address in March, 2024. I Francis
Chung/POLITICO
U.S.
democracy has another strength: It’s presidential. The conventional wisdom used
to suggest the opposite. Concerned more with the emergence and consolidation of
democracy than its survival, theorists saw parliamentary systems as more secure.
That’s because prime ministers often lead coalitions of multiple parties,
giving diverse voices some say, and when things go wrong, they can be ousted in
a vote of no confidence far more easily than a president can be impeached.
Also, a few decades ago, presidencies looked unstable partly because the
military routinely overthrew them in Latin America.
Recently,
military coups are mostly out as ways to seize power. Instead, the current
challenge to democracy has been autocrats who win election and try to grab
authoritarian power from within to stay in office, and this is easier in
parliamentary systems. Prime ministers by definition command a majority vote of
parliament, so the opposition can’t even hope to check them by controlling an
upper or lower legislative chamber like in the U.S. Congress. And when multiple
parties split the vote, a small majority or even a plurality can sometimes win
a supermajority in parliament. Notably, in 2010, with just 53 percent of the vote, Viktor Orban
won a two-thirds majority in Hungary’s Assembly. It allowed him to
gain domination over the Constitutional Court, rewrite the Constitution, and
wily step by wily step, cinch autocratic control without even flaunting the
letter of the law.
Presidential
checks and balances also complicate the lives of aspiring authoritarians by
making it harder to replace judges. Kurt Weyland of the University of Texas
identifies 17 dangerous populists since
1980 in presidencies of at least middling strength, such as
Argentina or Brazil. Only two succeeded in killing democracy, and those two had
an important thing in common.
Trump Is
Less Popular Than Successful Autocrats
Anti-Trump
protesters in Washington D.C. on Sept. 2, 2025. I Andrew Harnik/Getty Images
Trump’s
support may dismay his opponents, but it’s far lower than he needs to kill off
democracy. In presidential systems of at least middling strength, populists who
defeated democracy since 1980 had approval ratings of 80 percent or more —
nearly twice Trump’s approval rating, which has
been stuck in the 40s both in his first term and so far in his second.
The two
presidents who in succeeded in killing Weyland’s democracies were Alberto
Fujimori in Peru and Nayib Bukele in El Salvador. Both rose to power by solving
major crises that helped them rack up public approval ratings of 80 to 90
percent. When a leader is that popular, centers that might check his power —
the military, the courts, congress — may support him (they’re comprised of
people too) or at least hesitate to coordinate in opposition.
In
Fujimori’s case, one crisis was 10,000 percent inflation; the money
that had bought a luxurious house five years earlier could purchase a tube of toothpaste when he
took office in 1990. He drastically brought the rate down to
much more normal levels. He also halted a civil war waged by Shining Path guerrillas,
in which tens of thousands of Peruvians had died.
For his
part, Bukele won El Salvador’s presidency in 2019 as a populist outsider who
pledged to crack down on gangs that had overrun the county. Covid gave him that
chance. He locked the nation down, which held the pandemic death rate to less than a fifth that of
Mexico or the United States and also suppressed the homicide rate to a fifth of
its 2015 peak. Securing a supermajority in Congress, he purged the judiciary,
and that was pretty much that.
Left:
Peruvian President Alberto Fujimori. Right: El Salvadoran President Nayib
Bukele. | Marc Thibault/AFP via Getty Images; Alex Peña/Getty Images
While
Fujimori stars in the death-of-democracy literature as a cautionary example,
President Jorge Serrano of Guatemala barely gets a mention. But Serrano’s
experience is more common. Having accomplished little and seen his approval
rating drop to 20 percent, in 1993 he tried copying Fujimori, closing Congress
and the courts. Massive protests erupted, the Constitutional Court declared his
coup illegal, he lost military support and he fled the country. Something
similar happened last year in South Korea when an unpopular president’s attempt to impose
martial law was thwarted dramatically by parliament and
protesters.
The United
States isn’t supplying the kind of crisis that could generate for Trump a
Fujimori-style level of popular support. Advanced nations rarely do. And it’s
doubtful the distractable Trump could solve a good crisis if he lucked into
one. After all, he didn’t manage Covid particularly well in his first term,
ending his presidency with an approval rating of just 34 percent. His attempts
to manufacture crises in his second term, such as by sending troops into Los
Angeles or Washington, so far seem more likely to hurt him.
Trump is
also failing to expand his base of support. While competent autocrats built alliances with supporters, he
keeps alienating them, from Elon Musk, still the richest man in the world, to
Ileana Garcia, co-founder of Latinas for Trump.
Pardoning Jan. 6 rioters who assaulted the police might fire up Trump’s base
but is opposed by two thirds of Americans.
Likewise, attacking officials his fertile paranoia imagines to be plotting
against him; loosing new tariffs daily; passing a budget bill that will kick
many of his supporters off Medicaid while cutting taxes for the wealthy — none
of this is likely to help him build support. As job creation stagnates and inflation slowly
rises, the very issues Trump campaigned on could weaken him.
With around 8 percent more Americans disapproving
than approving him, there’s little sign he is on track to reach the
soaring level of popularity of successful populists-turned-autocrats.
The
Supreme Court Still Has Power
The U.S.
Supreme Court is seen from inside the U.S. Capitol building July 29, 2024. I
Francis Chung/POLITICO
Experience
shows that, if all else fails, the judiciary is the last bulwark of
democracy. So far, lower courts have repeatedly blocked Trump’s excesses.
Still, the Supreme Court has the last say, and Trump is openly counting on its
justices to endorse his expansions of presidential power. Granted, it is
dominated by conservative Federalist Society justices who have long been
committed to the idea of the “unitary executive.” That idea has led them to
issue some awful emergency decisions: letting Trump replace agency heads with
sycophants, fire government officials by the hundred thousand and block
billions of dollars for programs Congress approved.
But it
remains a Federalist Society Court, not a Trumpist Court. In his first term,
Trump had the worst record at the Supreme Court in the
modern era. Federalist Society judges threw out his ridiculous
challenges to the 2020 election again and again. The acting U.S. attorney who
recently resigned rather than obey orders to drop corruption charges against
New York Mayor Eric Adams belongs to the Federalist Society. Federalist Society
lawyers fired from the Justice Department are hanging out shingles to accept clients suing
him.
There’s
also less than meets the eye to some of the court’s pro-Trump decisions. Trump v. United States, which grants presidents
immunity for any acts within their core responsibilities, would let a president
order Navy Seals to assassinate a political rival, Justice Sonia Sotomayor
charged in her dissent. But that decision does not immunize the Seals.
Assassinating a Trump rival would still be murder one for anyone who took part.
Or suppose Trump tried to assemble fake electors. As Justice Amy Coney Barrett
pointed out in her concurring opinion, managing elections is not a core
presidential responsibility — actually, not a responsibility at all — so Trump
could well be prosecuted for that.
And the
administration has lost some key substantive cases in this term, as well. On
March 15, Trump violated a district court order by sending 137 supposed members
of a Venezuelan gang under the pretext of the Alien Enemies Act, along with 101
others under normal deportation procedures, to one of Bukele’s notorious jails.
But when the administration tried to repeat that trick, the Supreme Court ruled
nine to zero — without a single dissent — that the ancient right of habeas corpus requires that all of them be allowed
to challenge in court both the constitutionality of the charges and their
status as a gang member.
The bottom
line is that, unlike Republicans in Congress who fear being primaried by the
Trump political machine, federal judges hold life tenure and care how they’re
seen by history. Even regarding that Trump v. United States decision,
Justice Neil Gorsuch insisted, “We’re writing a rule for the ages.”
And for all the court’s seeming willingness to strengthen Trump’s hand over the
executive branch, the president’s chances of completely replacing all the
justices, as Bukele did, or rewriting the Constitution, as Fujimori did, would
seem to be close to zero.
Finally,
violating a Supreme Court ruling would generate massive opposition. A
Times/Siena College poll found that only 6 percent of Americans would support such a
thing. As the examples of Guatemala and South Korea show, aspiring
autocrats who grab for power as their popularity wanes are the ones who tend to
land in jail or exile.
Bad News
and Good News
U.S. Army
veteran, Doug Sherrill, 63, casts his ballot on Nov. 5, 2024, in Hamtramck,
Michigan. I David Goldman/AP
To be
sure, U.S. democracy has some vulnerabilities most other advanced democracies
do not. Inequality is a big one, contributing in no small measure to political polarization and democratic erosion.
High
school graduates’ real wages rose a grand 27 cents over the past half century,
and workers with less than four years of college did only slightly better. The
United States is at the bad end of what political economists call the Great Gatsby Curve, where worse
income inequality goes hand-in-hand with worse social mobility. Advanced firms
abandoned flyover country for metropolitan areas, robbing public schools of
funds, while deaths of despair — from drugs, alcohol and suicide — surged. The Biden
administration’s immigration fiasco badly exacerbated existing racial tensions.
However,
inequality need not lead to a democratic collapse. Latin American nations that
foiled authoritarian bids — such as by Fernando Collor and Jair Bolsonaro in
Brazil or by a small handful of Peruvian presidents since 2000 — struggle
with equal or worse income inequalities,
fierce racial and social divides,
ideological antagonism from neoliberalism to
reckless Marxism (sometimes
alternately espoused by the same famous zealot), and
weaponized social media. It’s hard to see why the United States should do worse
than these nations.
Along with
American democracy’s wealth, longevity and legal tradition, the people are its
bulwark. Authoritarians don’t have to be political scientists to know
that if they lose public support, they can fall —
sometimes ousted at a sudden tipping point, as in Eastern Europe in 1989. To
try to manufacture an appearance of strength, Trump exaggerates his support,
broadcasts favorable lies, attacks critical media and tries to cow opponents.
This might
help explain why Trump is unnerved by public protests. Drawing on a
comprehensive database of civil disobedience, Erica Chenoweth of the Harvard Kennedy
School has estimated that when 3.5 percent of the population has risen in
nonviolent protest against autocrats, almost 90 percent of them have fallen.
It’s a rule of thumb that mostly worked in the past, Chenoweth cautions, not a
guarantee that a 3.5 percent protest rate will work now. Most of the protests
in the database occurred before widespread social media, so the more sustained
efforts needed to organize them might have been crucial.
Still,
Chenoweth underlines citizens’ vital role in democracy. In fact, her analysis
is that even 1 percent protests took
down almost half of the autocrats they were directed against. Some 5 million
Americans — 1.5 percent — joined the No Kings protest against Trump in July,
according to organizers, which would make it the third largest protest in U.S.
history.
Massive
protests matter in part because they signal wider agreement. The drivers who
passed No Kings protests across the nation honking in support weren’t among the
5 million, but they count too, as do those feeling discontent but taking notice
as they were cleaning their kitchens or mowing their lawns. Living individual
lives, citizens may not be aware of others’ thinking. Protest makes known
resistance that would otherwise remain merely private and implicit.
Large,
peaceful protests also signal to powerful elites in the military, business,
courts, legislature, even the ruling coalition, that the current state of
affairs is going badly. Elites are citizens, too, and often divided, even in military governments.
Protests give some permission to powerful elites and allies to at least remain
neutral, if not abandon support for a regime. Other coalition members,
strategically calculating odds based on what they see, may keep an eye out for
signs they should desert so as not to be caught on a sinking ship.
Despite
his bluster, Trump is probably worried. He should be. American democracy is
wounded. But, however awful its deterioration feels, it’s a long way from dead.
AS
OPPOSED TO…
American democracy might not survive another year – is Europe ready for that?

Trapped
between Putin and Trump, EU citizens understand the grave dangers facing the
continent. Their leaders urgently need to face reality, too
Thu 2 Oct
2025 00.00 EDT
Share
Fascism
is supposed to look a certain way: black-clad, uniformed, synchronised and
menacing. It is not supposed to look like an overweight president who can’t pronounce acetaminophen and who bumbles, for
a full minute, about how he would have renovated the UN’s New York headquarters
with marble floors, rather than a
terrazzo. But as Umberto Eco remarked in his timeless essay on
identifying the eternal nature of fascism: “Life is not that simple. Ur-Fascism
can come back under the most innocent of disguises.”
Historians, scholars and even some insiders from
the first Trump administration have seen through the comedic quality of the disguise.
They appear to have seen in Donald Trump himself and those around him, Eco’s
core criteria: the call to tradition and the rejection of reason, the fear of
difference, the hostility towards disagreement, the ressentiment, the machismo,
the degradation of language into newspeak, the cult of a “strong” leader.
Almost a year ago, the historian Robert Paxton, in explaining why he had changed his mind about
employing the word to describe Trumpism, remarked: “It’s bubbling up from below
in very worrisome ways, and that’s very much like the original fascisms. It’s
the real thing. It really is.”
Since
then, the Trump administration has deployed the US military and National Guard
to cities against the will of their state governors. It has put pressure on
state legislatures to disenfranchise opposition
voters in extraordinary ways, and floated the idea of
disenfranchising all voters residing outside the US by ending mail-in voting.
It has used the power of the state to censor books, bully
the media and “cancel” comedians who regularly make fun of Trump. It has seized executive power in
alarming and potentially illegal ways, including the use of tariffs, immigration
policy and targeted exemptions to generate subservience among powerful
corporate actors.
An
over-fixation on whether actions are legal or not misses the forest for the
trees: constitutionality is, practically speaking, whatever the supreme court
decides. If the supreme court acquiesces to fundamental changes in the nature
of what the US is, that is merely one more sign of how deep the rot goes. And
from concrete policy to
the decision to publicly venerate the
Confederacy, the intended direction of travel is clear.
The
disguise dropped a little bit more, in the aftermath of Charlie Kirk’s murder –
one more tragic datapoint in the merging of the US’s epidemic of gun violence
and its growing political violence.
At his strange funeral-rally-spectacle, Stephen Miller, the White House deputy
chief of staff, gave a speech dripping
with everything Eco sought to warn us against,
raging against a diffuse “they” who “cannot conceive of the army they have
arisen in all of us”. “You are nothing,” Miller continued. “You have nothing.
You are wickedness. You are jealousy. You are envy. You are hatred. You are
nothing. You can build nothing. You can produce nothing.”
In the
past year, as Trump and those behind him have dismantled the institutions of US
democracy with incredible speed, the European conversation finally moved from
denial to attempts at bargaining, with some acceptance of US disengagement and
disinterest going forward. But there has been almost no space for a high-level,
public conversation about what to do when the US government is, for the
foreseeable future, in the hands of actors hostile to the EU’s basic raison
d’être and its values.
I
understand why European leaders don’t want to have this conversation openly
with voters. They fear that alienating Trump, even slightly, will lead him to
drop US support for Ukraine. The cleverest think they can buy time by
flattering Trump, manipulating him just long enough to find a better footing,
while the blindly optimistic look to the 2026 midterms as an inflection point,
and some sort of “return to normal”. But the midterms will not save us. As the
Democrats’ elections attorney Marc Elias laid out in detail for
The New Yorker, the 2026 elections will probably not be wholly free and fair, and
even where they are, Trump’s prior history of insurrection indicates that the
results very well might not be honoured. And Trump is already laying the
groundwork to drop Ukraine fully into Europe’s lap.
During the
first Trump administration, we heard, ad nauseam, that he should be taken
seriously, but not literally. It was a mistake then, and it’s a mistake now.
When Trump says, “I hate my
opponent and I don’t want the best for them”, we in Europe (“a foe,” remember?)
should take him literally. The radical authoritarian agenda the Trump
administration is pursuing domestically matters to Europe. A US with a new,
masked, secret immigration police with nearly unlimited funds, whose “red”
government deploys its military to “blue” cities, and uses the criminal justice
system to exact retribution on
political opponents at the president’s behest –
in short, the end of the rule of law – necessarily affects European democracy.
Not least, because the Trump administration is engaged in a culture war against Europe,
promoting forces that seek to destroy it as it currently exists.
European
voters are out in front of the politicians on this one. The spring Eurobarometer survey showed
that large majorities of citizens want the EU to protect them from crises and
security risks, think the EU needs more financial means to do so, and support
that new funding coming from the EU as a whole, rather than member states
alone. A survey of the EU’s five biggest states, France, Germany, Spain, Italy
and Poland, found that 52%
think the EU was humiliated in the recent trade deal with the US. They blame
the commission for not “defending” Europe more ardently, with a strong minority of 39% wanting
the bloc to become more “oppositional” to Trump.
Timothy
Garton Ash recently gave Americans 400 days to save their
democracy. As an American, I don’t think the country has that long.
As Europeans, we should assume that it does not.
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Europeans
are ready for an honest conversation about the challenge Europe faces from
Trump – the same way they’ve solidified in the face of aggression from Vladimir
Putin. The danger lies in Europe’s leaders fudging, hesitating and avoiding
this conversation. If they cannot lead with candour, voters will conclude that
European democracy and its institutions are too weak to withstand the pincer
move that is building against it.
Alexander
Hurst is a Guardian Europe columnist
X FROM ECFR.EU
Americans have 400 days to save their democracy
I never
thought I’d see fear spread so far and fast. Next year’s midterm elections are
now crucial for the Democratic party—and for democrats everywhere
By Timothy
Garton Ash
Professor
of European Studies, University of Oxford
I return
to Europe from the US with a clear conclusion: American democrats (lowercase d)
have 400 days to start saving US democracy. If next autumn’s midterm elections
produce a Congress that begins to constrain Donald Trump there will then be a further
700 days to prepare the peaceful transfer of executive power that alone will
secure the future of this republic. Operation Save US Democracy, stages one and
two.
Hysterical
hyperbole? I would love to think so. But during seven weeks in the US this
summer, I was shaken every day by the speed and executive brutality of Trump’s
assault on what had seemed settled norms of US democracy and by the desperate
weakness of resistance to that assault. There is a growing body of
international evidence to suggest that once a
liberal democracy has been eroded, it is very difficult to restore it.
Destruction is so much easier than construction.
US
democracy needs Congress, the principal check on presidential power envisaged
in the US constitution, to start doing its job again. That will not happen so
long as the Republicans, dominated and intimidated by Trump, control both
houses
That is
why all democrats, irrespective of party or ideology, must hope the Democrats
regain control of the House of Representatives in midterm elections on November
3rd 2026. Not because of the Democrats’ policies, which are a muddle, or their
current leadership, which is a mess—but simply because US democracy needs Congress,
the principal check on presidential power envisaged in the US constitution, to
start doing its job again. That will not happen so long as the Republicans,
dominated and intimidated by Trump, control both houses.
Much has
been made of comparisons to other authoritarian power grabs, from Europe in the
1930s to Viktor Orban’s Hungary, but I am most struck by the distinctive
features of the US case. To name just four: excessive executive power; chronic
gerrymandering; endemic violence; and the way a would-be authoritarian can
exploit the intense capitalist competition that permeates every area of US
life.
The danger
of executive overreach has been there from the very beginning. Revolutionary
war hero Patrick Henry (“give me liberty or give me death”) voted against the
constitution at the Virginia ratifying convention in 1788 precisely because he
thought it would give a criminal president the chance “to
make one bold push for the American throne”. Throughout the 20th century,
presidents of both parties extended the “executive power” that is so
ill-defined in article two of that constitution. More recently, a
conservative-dominated supreme court has given succour to the unitary executive
theory developed by right-wing legal theorists, which gives the most expansive
reading of presidential power. And now the Trump administration—well prepared,
unlike in 2017—has exploited every inch and wrinkle of existing executive
power, as well as simply breaking the law and defying the courts to stop it.
Tom
Ginsburg, a leading US comparative constitutionalist, argues that the
biggest single flaw of the unreformed US constitution is that it gives state
legislatures the power to draw electoral boundaries. The word gerrymandering
was coined as early as 1812. In recent times, partisan redistricting has become
more extreme as US politics has become more polarised. And then, in 2019,
the supreme court declared that
it could not correct even the most blatant party-political gerrymandering (only
that done on racial lines). So now, at Trump’s direct request, Texas sets out
to change constituency boundaries explicitly to win five more seats for the
Republicans in the midterms, whereupon California says it will
counter-gerrymander to win five more for the Democrats. There is no longer even
a bare pretence of impartiality about the most basic procedure of democracy.
No
European society can compare to the US for the ubiquity of violence. Hardly a
day passed this summer without the evening news reporting at least one violent
crime, including yet another horrific school shooting. The US has more guns
than people. France loves its pseudo-revolutionary political theatre, but the
US had the January 6th 2021 mob assault on the Capitol. Now the right-wing
activist Charlie Kirk has been shot. Before the identity of the killer was
known, Elon Musk said “the
left is the party of murder” and Trump blamed the hate speech of the “radical
left”. It will be a miracle if the US avoids a downward spiral of political
violence, as last seen in the 1960s. That in turn could be the pretext for
Trump to invoke the 1807 Insurrection Act, bring more military on to US streets
and further exploit an alleged state of emergency.
Meanwhile,
universities, business leaders, law firms, media platforms and tech supremos
have utterly failed to engage in collective action in response. They have
either kept their heads down, settled humiliatingly like Columbia University and
the law firm Paul, Weiss, or
fawned on the president, like Mark Zuckerberg. Why? Because they all follow the
logic of fierce free-market competition and fear targeted reprisals. I never
imagined I would see fear spread so far and fast in the US.
Add in
attempts to disqualify or intimidate voters, plus Trump’s threat to ban mail-in
ballots, and there is a real doubt how far next November’s midterm elections
will be fully free and fair. The task for democrats of all parties is to ensure
they are, so far as possible. The task for the Democrats (capital D) is to win
them in spite of any such obstacles.
The key to
that will probably still be bread-and-butter issues. Here, in the economy, lies
paradoxical hope. We are already beginning to see Trump’s tariffs feed through
into higher prices. The job numbers are weakening. Trump’s “big beautiful bill” will
further increase an already gobsmacking national debt of $37tn (around
€31.8trn). Already in the 2024 fiscal year, servicing that debt cost more than
the entire $850bn (€731bn) defence budget. But until a debt crisis actually
hits, such macro-risks remain remote and abstract to most voters, rather as
predictions of diminished GDP growth made little impact in the Brexit
referendum debate.
So the big
question is whether the negative economic consequences of Trump will be
palpable to ordinary voters before the midterms. One astute political observer
suggested to me that Trump, flush with revenue from the new tariffs, could do a
pre-election cash handout to voters, perhaps presented as compensation for the
“temporary difficulties” of the transition to a MAGA economy. That would be a
classic populist move.
The single
most important thing for the Democrats in the next 400 days is therefore to
bring those economic costs irresistibly home to voters. Democrats will not win
just by talking about the defence of democracy, important though that is, let
alone by engaging in culture wars. They need to follow the advice of Bill
Clinton’s former adviser James Carville and focus relentlessly on kitchen-table
issues. In doing so, they will also show that they do actually care
about the ordinary working- and middle-class Americans whose support they have
lost over the last 30 years.
Then there
is stage two, the presidential election in 2028. But sufficient unto the day
are the challenges thereof. Despite all the serious threats to democracy itself
in the US, for now the first rule of democratic politics still applies: just
win the next election.
This
article was originally published in the Guardian on
September 16th 2025